Supplemental  Research  2













Oxford Dictionary of National Biography  (John Bale)








John Bale  (McCusker)








John Bale  (Happé)








The Pageant of Popes, John Bale, 1574  (Latin, 1558)








Emails  (Acta Romanorum Pontificum, 1558)
















The Itinerary of John Leland








Two Treatises  (de Valera)








The History of the Life of Katharine de Medicis








A Huguenot Family in the XVI Century  (Arbaleste)








Charlotte Arbaleste 








Le Mystere D' Iniqvité  (French)  (du Plessis)








The Mysterie of Iniqvitie  (English)  (du Plessis)








A History of Freethought  (Robertson)








Jacopo Sannazaro








Opera Omnia Latine Scripta; etc.  (Sannazaro)








Emails  ("singular" books by Sannazaro)








Delitiae Delitiarvm








Actii Sinceri  (Sannazaro)









Memoirs of Angelus Politianus, etc.  (Greswell)






Epigrams, Ancient and Modern  (Booth)






The Epigrammatists  (Dodd)












Jacopo Sannazaro  (Italian)






Opere di Iacopo Sannazaro  (Italian)






Poeti Latini del Quattrocento  (Italian)






Sacra sub extrema…sumere?  Vendiderat






The Major Latin Poems of Jacopo Sannazaro






Dictionaries  (Pasquin, etc.)






Pasquino, Pasquinade, etc.






Pietro Aretino  (Putnam)






Pasquillorum Tomi Duo






Curiosities of Literature  (Disraeli)






History of pasquinade  (Cicero, and Augustine)







from:  Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, In Association with The British Academy, From the earliest times to the year 2000, edited by H.C.G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, Volume 3, Oxford, 2004.



"Bale, John (1495–1563), bishop of Ossory, evangelical polemicist, and historian, was born to parents of humble means at the village of Cove, near Dunwich in Suffolk, on 21 November 1495.


Early career and marriage   Throughout his life, despite wide travels, Bale continually proclaimed his identity as a Suffolk man.  He began his formal education at the Carmelite convent at Norwich at twelve years of age and went to Jesus College, Cambridge, about 1514 in order to continue his schooling.  Despite the intellectual ferment at Cambridge University, instigated by clerics like Hugh Latimer and Miles Coverdale who had been influenced by Lutheran ideas, Bale remained at this time a friar loyal to the old religion.  After study at Cambridge and abroad, at Louvain and Toulouse, he was awarded the degree of BTh at Cambridge in 1529 and the DTh about two years later.  In 1530 he became prior of the white friars' convent in the port town of Maldon in Essex.  In 1533 he was promoted to the Carmelite convent at Ipswich, and he had become prior at Doncaster by July 1534.


            At the time of England's separation from the Church of Rome during the early 1530s, Bale fell under the influence of Thomas, first Baron Wentworth of Nettlestead, to whom he attributed his conversion to Protestantism.  Bale enjoyed the patronage of Wentworth, an important East Anglian peer who used his influence at court in order to further the protestant cause.  He began to come under suspicion himself, and about 1534 was charged with heresy before Archbishop Lee of York, but escaped conviction.  In 1536, immediately before his final break with the Carmelite order, Bale left his priorate at Doncaster for the post of a stipendiary priest at Thorndon in Suffolk.


            Although Bale's desire to marry was probably one reason for his leaving the Carmelites, he never made this explicit in his writings.  Nevertheless by 1536 he had renounced clerical vows, laid aside monastic attire, and married a woman named Dorothy.  Virtually nothing is known about her besides her name, but she must have been a widow when Bale married her because she had a son of apprentice age.  Bale's silence about her, even though she accompanied him during two periods of exile and his intervening service as a bishop in Ireland, is noteworthy...."  [482].






"In 1558 Oporinus published related antipapal material in another work by Bale, his Acta Romanorum pontificum

 [English, as The Pageant of Popes, 1574]."  [485].



"Bale's influence  Extensive holdings of Bale's papers are preserved in the British Library, London, the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Cambridge University  Library, and the Henry E. Huntington Library in California....


            Bale's writings are indeed notable for a consistent historiographical vision which is expressed most fully in his Image of both Churches, but is also vital to the polemical plays, propaganda tracts, and works of scholarship written from the 1530s onwards....


            Bale was an outstanding radical reformer of the first generation of English protestants.  Surviving many of his colleagues who were burnt at the stake as heretics or died in exile,


he enjoyed a literary career noteworthy for his mastery of an ensemble of polemical forms, the intensity of his invective, his satirical flair, and his breadth of learning.  His unparalleled acerbity earned for him the epithet (coined by Thomas Fuller) of 'Bilious Bale'.  As the standards of Elizabethan literary taste became more decorous, a process signaled by the poetic treatises of Sir Philip Sidney and George Puttenham, Bale's recourse to invective, scatological humour, and sexual innuendo alienated many English readers,   and his works soon fell out of print.  His apocalyptic ideas, however, exerted a continuing influence on works as diverse as John Foxe's Actes and Monuments (1563), book 1 of Edmund Spenser's Faerie Queene (1590), and Thomas Dekker's Whore of Babylon (1607), while the antiquarian learning contained within his comprehensive bibliographies continues to influence scholars.


John N. King"  [485].


_____     _____     _____






from:  John Bale [1495 – 1563], Dramatist and Antiquary, Honor C. McCusker, Books for Libraries Press, 1971 (1942).



            'The above catalogue [of "The Irish Library", of John Bale] in itself is enough to establish Bale's importance as a collector.  On limited resources of both time and money he brought together one of the largest libraries of his day, and, with the exception of Leland, was probably more responsible than any other of his contemporaries for the preservation of numbers of manuscripts which would otherwise have perished in "those uncircumspect and careless dayes."  Archbishop Parker had a larger purse, and greater renown; but Parker was very nearly too late.  The next chapter will show how deeply he was indebted to Bale's earlier researches.  And in spite of the fact that he wrote over three and a half centuries ago, and that the Summarium and Catalogus have never been reprinted, Bale remains one of the indispensable authorities for English literary history down to the mid-sixteenth century.


            That this is true, is because Bale did not consider mere preservation enough:  no less important to him was the use he could make of these ancient chronicles.  Immersed in antiquity as it was, his mind was enough enlightened by the new spirit to see that the value of his work would be even greater in time to come; hence he [John Bale] not only collected but compiled, with a care for posterity which even the assiduous Leland did not feel so fully.


            He [Bale] seems to have evolved his technique very early, and never to have varied it much.  His raw material appears in the Index—unadorned jottings in alphabetical order, consisting of a name, perhaps a date, and a list of works, with the number of books in each, and the incipit.  In its final form, this list is inserted in a paragraph of information about the writer, and is usually followed by a sentence or two with a "claruit" or "obijt" by way of conclusion. 


It must be admitted that where he [john bale] has few definite details at his disposal he  does not hesitate to expand his scanty facts by the addition of "purple passages" which have practically no value save that of tradition. 


This weakness is particularly evident in the opening centuries of the Catalogus, which are composed chiefly of Druids, legendary kings, and writers whom more skeptical scholars have pronounced fictitious.  It is, however, a weakness common in the sixteenth century, and Bale is not to be too much despised for following the practice of most of his contemporaries, even though he does reckon English literature as beginning with Japhet, the son of the Most Holy Noah.






            Bale's most explicit description of his methods turns up in the book which least involves his own research—Leland's Laboryouse Journey.  Here he simply reprints Leland's text, enlarged by the insertion of his own comments in each paragraph; these are expansions rather than improvements of the original.  Leland writes a brief, straightforward account of his [Bale's] activities;


[Leland] Bale adds a great deal of purely personal matter, with observations on the degenerate state of English scholarship (always a sore point with him) and as many anti-Catholic sentiments as he can manage to drag in.'  [50-51].



            'Like most of the scholars of his time, Bale has a fair Latin style at his command, not supple, but straightforward, free from ambiguity, and, as might be expected, strongly Scriptural [note on 167:  "Gospell", and "Christ"] in character.  For his more popular works, he employs a rude but vigorous English which for all its flavor of German syntax is distinctive and forceful.  His use of alliteration is nearly as marked as Latimer's.  "As wyse as ij wyspes and as godly as ij goselynges," he calls the mayor and sheriff of Norwich in 1545; and prose tracts and plays alike abound in such phrases as "cloyne and clatter," "whysperynges and whysshynges," and so on....


            Like Latimer, he [John Bale] has a flair for reporting action and dialogue; and like him, too, he makes use of homely metaphors....


            With these qualities of intellect and expression, Bale might have become another Tyndale or Foxe, were it not for his preoccupation with the past, which stamps him in the end as an historian, not an apologist.  His prejudices, his theories, his literary style are those of the Reformation; the same absorption in antiquity which has made him famous touches even the most forward-looking of his contemporaries.  Yet Bale, man of the sixteenth century as he is, is set apart from his group by a temperamental heritage from the Middle Ages.  He [Bale] is a cleric and a reformer; but above all else he is an antiquary, and antiquaries [I consider myself (LS), an amateur antiquarian] are in every period dissociated from time and place.  The Scriptorum Illustrium Maioris Britanniae Catalogus has been a landmark for the great biographical collections of following centuries—Fuller, Wood, and Tanner—and for all antiquarianism since.  Barnabe Googe, writing within a few months of Bale's death in 1563, has given us in short space the best portrait of his character; and there could be no more fitting end for this study than the kindly judgment of a contemporary:






To Doctor Bale


Good aged Bale:

that with they hoary heares

Dost yet persyste,

to turne the paynefull Booke,

O happye man,

that hast obtained such yeares,

And leavst not yet,

On Papers pale to looke,

Gyue ouer now

to beate thy weryed brayne,

And rest thy Pen

that long hath laboured soore

For aged men

vnfyt sure is suche paine,

And the beseems

to laboure now no more,

But thou I thynke

Dan Platoes part will playe

With Booke in Hand

to haue thy dyeng daye.





13 Googe, Barnabe, Eglogs, Epytaphes, and Sonettes, London, 1563: f. E6.'

[126-128] [end of text].



Note:  this book (plus Latin language abilities) could (possibly) provide a source (for example:  Index (see 156)), leading to John Bale's source (if there was one [my guess:  there was a source for John Bale]), for the epigram:  "…ea de Christo fabula…"  ["…this story about Christ…"].


_____     _____     _____






from:  John Bale [1495 – 1563], Peter Happé, Twayne Publishers, Simon & Schuster, Prentice Hall, 1996.


"John Bale [1495 – 1563]


Twayne's English Authors Series

Arthur Kinney, Editor

University of Massachusetts, Amherst"



            "In Bale's case the accumulation of information over many years now reached fruition with a vast expansion of the work in the Summarium.  It is a remarkable achievement that, in spite of all the vicissitudes, he maintained a continuous application to this project.  Somehow he managed to retain his notebooks and to expand them enormously.  He extended his study to cover Ireland, Scotland, and the Hebrides.  The Catalogus finally comprised 14 centuries (the authors were grouped in hundreds, as in the Summarium).  The book went to press in its first state in 1557, before the death of Mary [Queen Mary I, reign 1553 – 1558 (1516 – 1588)], and some copies were issued.  However, Mary's death and the accession of Elizabeth [Queen Elizabeth I, reign 1558 – 1603 (1533 – 1603)] in 1558 led to further authorial intervention.  Bale inserted into some copies of 4 March 1559 a dedication to Elizabeth in which among other things he returns to an old motif found in the Godly Meditation and Anne Askew:  the praise of good and holy women.  One of the expansions in the Catalogus was the insertion, in some breaks between individual biographies, of a continuous but anecdotal history of the papacy and its offences.  This largely embodied the historical structure developed in Image.  The items in this sequence were extracted and collected as Acta Romanorum Pontificum [published in English, 1574, as The Pageant of Popes] and published by Oporinus in 1558.  This work may have been a kind of homage to Bale's long-dead colleague, Robert Barnes [1495 – 1540], who had published Vitae Pontificum Romanorum [Vitae Romanorum Pontificum, 1535 (see:  "German Books before 1601", XF 2569, reel 644, items 1 and 2 (glancing, I did not see any references to Leo X, or, "Christo fabula"))], a work with somewhat similar objectives, at Wittenberg in 1535.36  In his preliminaries Bale thanks Calvin and Melanchthon for their hospitality during his exile.  Like the Summarium, the Catalogus and the Acta were written in Latin, a decision which suggests a desire on Bale's part to reach an international audience."  [22].






            "Image and Votaries were reprinted in 1560.  The latter was also published in a French edition at Geneva in 1561 and at Lyon in 1563. 


After Bale's death John Studley translated the Acta Romanorum Pontificum [Latin, 1558] as The Pageant of Popes in 1574."  [24].



            "Luther scrutinized the role of the papacy.  Although he claimed in the dedication of The Freedom of a Christian to Leo X that there was nothing personal in his attacks, his criticism of the avarice of the papacy is a dominating theme, and one which Bale followed.  But Bale put the emphasis more upon the papal encouragement of sexual failings of the clergy, which he portrayed vehemently and sensationally in the Acts of English Votaries and in the Acta Romanorum Pontificum [Latin, 1558 (English, The Pageant of Popes, 1574)]. 


For the latter Barnes's [Robert Barnes 1495 – 1540 ("burned at the stake")] Vitae Romanorum Pontificum (1535) was undoubtedly influential:  there are places where Bale seems to be relying upon Barnes verbatim, though this is not to say that Bale did not add a great deal of his own material. 


This attack was also directed against the monastic vows of celibacy and against the prohibition of clerical marriage.  Here Bale was inclined to take an historical view which emphasized that these things were not scriptural.  In Image and Votaries he traced the stages by which he thought the papacy tightened the rules in this respect.  His view of marriage was that God blessed it in the Garden of Eden.  The changes were brought about, in his view, by the avarice of the papacy, as noted by Luther, who claimed that everything, even heaven, was up for sale."  [28-29].



"He [Bale] recognized and acknowledged the value of the scholarship of Erasmus, especially over his interpretation of the works of St. Augustine of Hippo (Apology, fol. xxxviiv).  Some significant doctrinal parallels can be found between Bale's views and those of Erasmus in the Enchiridion Militis Christiani [by Erasmus].28  Like Bale, Erasmus repudiated specialist and elitist Latin and scholastic philosophy; he produced a critique of monasticism; and he saw chastity and marriage as indistinguishable, and advocated an unsacramental inner religion.  However, Bale could not approve humanists [reference here, to Erasmus] who remained largely within the Catholic Church."  [55].






            "Although some of the works discussed in this chapter were written after Bale's second exile, which began in 1553, it is clear that the bulk of them originated during the years 1540–48 [19 – 27 years after the death of Leo X, 1521]. 


The circumstances of the second exile were different from those of the first, in that a greater variety of Protestant views were represented in it.  Moreover, Bale was older and may have been less keen to indulge in the short-term tactics of many of his minor works.  But as we shall see in the chapter on his bibliographical writings, many of the preoccupations of the earlier polemics were preserved in the framework of the Summarium as it became expanded into the Catalogus.  The latter was the principal fruit of the second exile, and it included in the expanded biographies and bibliographies a great deal of controversial material. 


The additions to Catalogus about the papacy were so extensive that Bale published them again as a separate work,


Acta Romanorum Pontificum (1558) [published in English, 1574, as The Pageant of Popes]. 


Perhaps because he was interested in reaching a readership of international scholars, especially in Germany, all these works too were in Latin."  [56].



            "Bale's work is, however, influenced by a slightly different precedent in Robert Barnes's Vitae Romanorum Pontificum, which contains a letter to Henry VIII dated 10 September 1535.  The work was published at Wittenburg in that year and was partially translated by Luther in 1536. 


Bale's work shows a much firmer handling of biographical material on ideological grounds.  Barnes, who was a colleague of Bale's at Cambridge, as we have noted, and who played a significant part in the evolution and dissemination of Protestant ideas until his execution in 1540, may have been aware of the tradition discussed here, but he does not pay close attention to its method.  He does give short biographies, but his listing of works is spasmodic.  However, the Protestant interpretation of history does inform his selection and treatment of individuals, and there is plenty of polemical comment on the individuals studied.  Notably we find parallels with Bale's handling of such characters as Sylvester II and Stephen VI.  It was Stephen VI who caused the exhumation of Formosus [Pope 891 – 896 (c. 816 – 896)], a subject that was used by Bale several times in separate works. 






Most of Bale's closer borrowings from Barnes actually find their place in the antipapal historical narratives which Bale inserted into the Catalogus between the biographies, as appendices.  They eventually reappeared in his Acta Romanorum Pontificum [Latin, 1558; published in English, 1574, as The Pageant of Popes], whose title seems to recall that of Barnes [Vitae Romanorum Pontificum]."  [64].



            'Bale and Leland


Another influence that shaped Bale's bibliographical and biographical objectives must have been John Leland [1506? – 1553].  We have seen that during the 1530s Bale had worked for Leland and prepared Anglorum Heliades at his prompting.  By the time the Summarium appeared in 1548, Leland was probably in failing mental health.  As King's Antiquary [John Leland] he had collected a great deal of historical information.  Although Bale saw the Summarium as an interim measure pending the publication of Leland's work, it now became clear that Leland was too ill to bring out the work as he planned.  After his return from exile in 1548, Bale gained access to some of Leland's work through the medium of Sir John Cheke, who had become Leland's executor.11  This apparently prompted Bale to enlarge his research.  He [Bale] copied out his own epitome of Leland's De Scriptoribus Britannicis.  Since Bale refers to himself as bishop of Ossory at the beginning of this manuscript, it must have been copied in or after 1552.12  Bale added his own notes to Leland's work, and some of it was incorporated into both the Catalogus and the Acta Romanorum Pontificum [Latin, 1558; published in English, 1574, as The Pageant of Popes].  Bale's comments on Leland at this point show that he was somewhat uneasy about Leland's theological position.  He observes that "many things are treated here without discrimination about doctrines or the investigation of the spirit, and evil things are accepted as though they were holy."13'  [65].



            'Although Bale's particular apocalyptic rendering of history was unacceptable to some, there is little doubt that the recurring image of ecclesiastical conflict on a cosmic scale became a central idea for many writers, including Spenser and Milton.  It is important to note that this image was transmitted by the publication and reprinting of several of Bale's works.  These include the Image, Votaries, and the


Acta Romanorum Pontificum [Latin, 1558]






(originally part of the Catalogus, translated into English by John Studley as The Pageant of Popes and printed in 1574).  Had he not been so assiduous in seeking the publication, which must have generated knowledge of his work, Bale's achievement would have had less impact.  In this respect he showed himself to be aware of the value of the development of printing in the dissemination of information and opinion.  His continuing attention to illustration through woodcuts in many of his printed works is symptomatic.  It should be noted, however, that he was of sufficient importance to some of his contemporaries for some of his work to be reprinted in the years immediately after his death, including Three Laws (1572) and God's Promises (1577).


            Perhaps one of the most influential vehicles for the transmission of Bale's ideas and methods was John Foxe's [1516 – 1587] Acts and Monuments (1563), a book to be found in many public places and in many households for generations.  We have seen how the two worked alongside one another for several years, and it is likely that Bale's meticulous approach to documentary information influenced Foxe.  It certainly seems that Foxe used some of the same documents as Bale—for example, those pertaining to Anne Askew and John Oldcastle. 


Most impressive, from a modern point of view, is that Bale tended to use contemporary documents in his work; he explored libraries, cataloging and collecting, as the source of this direct method; Foxe followed him in this. 


In fact, Bale's historical method is not always scrupulously factual.  Sometimes he edits documents to give a strong twist to depositions and interrogations"paraphrastically [see 354, 355]," as he put it. 


We have seen that in King Johan he was inclined to ignore the reading of chronicles when it happened not to suit his purpose; like Satan in Temptation, he sometimes left out what he did not fancy because "It made not for me" (1.242).  In spite of this, he [Bale] and Foxe did provide historical narratives which are often capable of being checked from the sources they adduced, and this is a valuable way of "making" history. 


The work of both men [Bale and Foxe] has thus proved a treasury for later critical historians of religion, politics and literature.'  [138-139].


_____     _____     _____






from (online):  The Pageant of Popes, John Bale, Anno 1574 (Latin, 1558:  Acta Romanorum Pontificum).  See:  "Early English Books Online" (via a local University).



"163.  Leo the tenth."  [228]



"for on a time when cardinall Bembus did moue a question out of the Gospell, the Pope gaue him a very contemptuouse aunswere saiyng: 


"All ages can testifie enough howe profitable that fable of Christe hath ben to vs and our companie".  [228].



'In the yeare of our Lord 1521 and the first day of December, as sone [read:  soon] as this Leo in deede a Lion heard it reported to him that the Frenchmen were by his meanes slaine, taken and driven out of Italye, he reioysed and laughed at this newes so vehementlye, that therwithall he fell down dead at his table, being a man that in his life time thought that there was neither heauen nor hell, countinge the Scripture sa[as] is aforesaid to be but a fable. 




["One", which implies no (or scant) previous knowledge of "Actius Sannazarius", is not in the 1558 Latin:  Acta Romanorum Pontificum (see 167)]


Actius Sannazarius wrote these verses of him [LEO].


            Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora

                        Cur Leo non poterat sumere?  Vendiderat.  [see 239-242]






Pasquil [see 189] against Leo.


Pastor, vt ambiguo Proteus dignoscitur ore,

            Et dubius liquidis saepe vagatur aquis:

Sic Leo nulla fides tibi, nec constantia rebus,

            Factaq pròmissis sunt odiosa tuis.                

Nec bona, nec mala sunt dubio credenda Leoni,

            Est etiam in verum vix adhibenda fides.

Quum ventrem imprudens auidio natura Leoni

            Fecisset, rimas prebuit huic geminas.

Non excrementis fuerat satis vna:  sed harum

            Altera nunc clausa est, nec minus illa vorat.

Gaude Roma, breui hac solueris peste:  fatiscet

            Aluus, tam magni ponderis impatiens.

Differat à Decimo quàm Iulius ipse Leone,

            Discere ab amborum nominee Roma potest.

Iulius est hominis, bruti Leo.  Iulius egit,

            Qua suasit ratio:  quod libet, iste facit. 


            In the time of this Leo doctour Benbrick [identity?] an Englishman Archbishop of Yorke and Cardinall, Iyeng [meaning:  residing?] Embassadour in the seruice of K. Henry [mark? (the?)] eighte, was poysoned by report at Rome and dyed there.'  [end of entry for "Leo the tenth."] [228].


_____     _____     _____






Note:  this page, and the following 3 pages, are edited emails, to, and from, the UK, and Ohio, regarding some Latin translation, of John Bale.



From:  Lino Sanchez

Sent:  Saturday, September 9, 2006

Subject:  Latin translation requested.



Hello... 9/9/2006


from:  Acta Romanorum Pontificum, John Bale, 1558, pages 382, 384.


[Acta Romanorum Pontificum, 1558, by John Bale (1495 – 1563).  Front end paper inscribed "1614", etc.  Engraving of Bale, reverse of title page.  555 pages to end of "Appendices", plus "Errata", plus "Index. A", plus "Index."  "Alphabeticum ordinem", plus page with date, etc., plus "14" blank endpapers.  Brownish-red edges.  Cream colored velum over "cardboard".  Bound dimensions:  15.4 x 9.8 x 4.6 centimeters]


[1574, English, as The Pageant of Popes.  Glancing (on one page), my guess:  the books are not identical].  ….


_____     _____     _____



To:  Lino Sanchez

Sent:  Saturday, September 9, 2006

Subject:  Latin translation



"Translator's notes:


1.  I have used red to indicate mistakes in the transcription which I have corrected and also expanded abbreviations and the like.


2.  The last two lines ('De hoc..., vendiderat') are a satirical epigram in verse, and following the normal practice I have indented the second line ('Cur Leo...').


[1.]  "Musicos ac uina inter lauticias, ad animum in mensa exhilarandum, in summis deliciis habuit:  sed Euangelium regni Dei, ut alter Caiphas, implacabili odio in Luthero atque aliis prosecutus est.  Proponenti enim semel Cardinali Bembo quiddam ex laeto illo Dei nuncio, dissolute respondebat: 






Quantum nobis ac nostro coetui prosuerit ea de Christo fabula, satis est seculis omnibus notum. 

Scleratissimus nebulo propalam expressit, se antichristum illum esse quem Paulus peccati hominem ac perditionis filium uocat."  [page 382]. 


[translation] He [Leo X] considered it the height of luxury to have musicians and wines to delight the heart at the table:  but, like a second Caiphas, he followed the Gospel of the kingdom of God with implacable hatred in the case of Luther and others.  For once when Cardinal Bembo was explaining something from that happy message of God's, he dissolutely replied: 


It is sufficiently well-known to all ages how much this story about Christ has benefited us and our company.  


A most wicked villain openly declared that he was that antichrist whom Paul calls a man of sin and the son of perdition.  [page 382]. 



[2.]  "De hoc Leone Actius Sannazarius sic scribit:  


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non poterat sumere, [my later correction:  "sumere?"], Vendiderat."  [page 384].  [see 239-242]


[translation] Sannazarius writes about this Leo in the following way:  'If perchance you ask why Leo could not receive the sacraments in his final hour—it is because he had sold them.'  [page 384].


_____     _____     _____



From:  Lino Sanchez

Sent:  Sunday, September 10, 2006

Subject:  Latin translation


Hello...                           9/10/2006


1.  Wow!  Very impressive!  Thank you!


2.  Please put a price, for responding to the below discussion.


3.  You translate "fabula" as "story".

As I recall (I am in my apartment), from Freund's Latin Dictionary, the second denotation, could yield a result of "fiction" for "fabula".






4.  The author, John Bale, in his English version, The Pageant of Popes, 1574, has (if my source from the Internet is correct) different wording, from his Latin, in Acta Romanorum Pontificum, 1558:


"for on a time when cardinall Bembus did mouve a question out of the Gospell, the Pope gaue him a very contemptuouse aunswere saiying:  All ages can testifie enough howe profitable that fable of Christe hath ben to vs and our companie".


[Your translation] "For once when Cardinal Bembo was explaining something from that happy message of God's, he dissolutely [implies fiction?  Just mercenariness?] replied:  It is sufficiently well-known to all ages how much this story about Christ has benefited us and our company."


5.  John Addington Symonds, in his article "Renaissance", in several editions (for examples:  9th, 11th, 13th, 14th), of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, states (his source?): 


"What profit has not that fable of Christ brought us!"


6.  Did John Bale, and John Addington Symonds, intend "story", for "fable"?  Did they intend "fiction" for "fable"?


 7.  Critics of Christianity (and I am one), have interpreted "fable", as "fiction".

Have we been correct?


                                                            Thank you!  Lino Sanchez


_____     _____     _____



To:  Lino Sanchez

Sent:  Sunday, 10 Sep 2006

Subject:  Latin translation


Dear Lino


No problem, 'fabula' frequently means 'story' in the sense of a 'fictitious narrative'. 


I retained the word 'story' simply because it [fabula] too often bears the sense of something untrue in English [?].  Yours....


l l l l l







Subject:  Translation

Date:  Fri, 04 May 2007



"Quantum nobis ac nostro coetui prosuerit ea de Christo fabula, satis est seculis omnibus notum."

All ages can abundantly testify how profitable that fable [story] of Christ has been to us and to our class.

FABULA can be translated TALE, FABLE; STORY; or DRAMA, according to what the writer wants to convey.  [note:  a definition of fiction is elusive]

Best regards, Luciano



Later emails:

1    Lino, I forgot to say that this is definitely not Ciceronian Latin [note:  the possible (in fashion) Latin of Leo X, Bembo  (et al.)], but Medieval Latin.

2        [Luciano]Yes, [Lino]"Fabula", "tale", "fable", "story", "drama", can be fiction, and, not fiction.


Regards, Luciano


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from:  A Latin Dictionary, Freund's Latin Dictionary, Oxford, 1962 (1879).



"1.  fĀbŬla...a narration, narrative, account, story; the subject of

 common talk. 



            II.  In partic. ..., a fictitious narrative, a tale, story".  [713].


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from:  Dictionary of Medieval Latin, from British Sources, Volume I, Oxford, 1975–1997.



"1  fābula [CL ["Classical Latin (to c200 A.D.)"]]


1  talk, conversation, esp. gossip, rumour....


2  story, fictitious narrative....


3  fable, tale employing animals to illustrate a moral.  b  exemplum,  

    exemplary story....


4  play, drama."  [885].


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from:  The Oxford English Dictionary, Volume IV, Oxford, 1961 (1933).



"L. [Latin] Fable....fābula discourse, narrative, story, dramatic composition, the plot of a play, a fable...


            1.  A fictitious narrative or statement; a story not founded on fact....


b.       esp.  A fictitious story relating to supernatural or extraordinary persons or incidents, and more or less current in popular belief; a myth or legend.  (Now rare.)  Also, legendary or mythical stories in general; mythological fiction....

c.  A foolish or ridiculous story; idle talk, nonsense....

d.  A fiction invented to deceive; a fabrication, falsehood....

e.  A creation of fable; something falsely affirmed to exist; a 'myth'."  [1].


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from:  The Itinerary of John Leland [1506 – 1552], In or about the Years 1535–1543, Parts I to III [of XI parts], Edited by Lucy Toulmin Smith, with a Foreword by Thomas Kendrick, Volume One [of five volumes], Southern Illinois University, c1964 (complex dating) (1535–1543).  [See:, 2516-2529].





By T.D. Kendrick"


            [footnote] "*Mr. T.C. Skeat, Keeper of Manuscripts in the British Museum, has recently identified in Cotton, Julius C. vi. part of the preparatory material for Leland's Antiquitates Britanniae; it is in the form of a commonplace-book containing a collection of references to Britain by various early authors.  English Historical Review, October, 1950, p. 505.  Mr. Skeat's paper is called Two "Lost" Works by John Leland, and he [T.C. Skeat] shows that another work attributed to this author [Leland] by John Bale [1495 – 1563], a Descriptio Angliae, is no more than a passage copied by Leland from the 1535 Servetus edition of Ptolemy's Geography."  [no page numbers in the Foreword].



            'The man [John Leland] who set out on his "laboryouse journey and serche—for Englandes Antiquitees"* [[footnote] "*The words are John Bale's"] was, as we have seen, a learned scholar of the Renaissance with an established reputation; but we have shown also that he could be curiously blind to the implications of his humanism.  While he was able to examine and reject the story of Joseph of Arimathea at Glastonbury and to recognize that an account of the origin of Cambridge University was fabulous nonsense, in many other similar matters he was neither able to exercise judgement nor desirous to do so.  Like many scholars of his day and after his time, he remained medieval in mind whenever his patriotic fervour was affronted, as by criticism of the British History. 


In Leland there was still something of the scholastic chronicler-antiquary who was content to repeat a statisfying fable without disturbing inquiry into its probability.' 






"INTRODUCTION."  [Lucy Toulmin Smith] [v]



            'Some years before this time Leland may have made the acquaintance of John Bale, his senior by several years, a poor parish priest of Suffolk, who had renounced his vows and the Roman Catholic religion, but got into trouble with the clergy by his marriage and his preaching.  He [John Bale] also was a scholar filled with the enthusiasm of the new learning, though not so accomplished nor so courteous as Leland; a man of great industry, possessed of a bitter pen upon occasion, and more robust than his friend, he [John Bale] had the greatest admiration for Leland's aspirations and labours.  On 25th January, 1537, Leland confidently wrote to Thomas Cromwell [c. 1485 – 1540], asking for Bale's release from prison.  "Surely," says he, "if the man be not monstrously changed, there is in him learning, judgement, modesty, with many other good qualities."1  In 1536, the year of the Act which dissolved the smaller monasteries, when no doubt Leland had already been eagerly looking into many of their libraries, Bale wrote to him from Ipswich, speaking of the glories and writers of "our England," encouraging his labours and his talents in warm terms, and offering his own assistance where he could.1  Both men were bent upon bringing the old writers and books into the light of day, reading and making known the hidden learning of their own country; and the fragment of a letter of 16th July, this same year from Leland to Cromwell (with whom he evidently stood on good terms) shows his anxiety to preserve the books that were fast being scattered and lost through the breaking up of the monasteries.  He begs Cromwell to give him assistance in his searches, and in getting them sent to the King's Library, saying that "it would be a great profit to students, and honour to this realm; whereas now the Germans, perceiving our desidiousness and negligence, do send daily young scholars hither, that spoileth them, and cutteth them out of libraries, returning home and putting them abroad as monuments of their own country."2  Both Bale and Leland were strenuous in their patriotic desire to save the old chronicles, "lively acts of kings" and "noble antiquities," and to multiply them by printing, "so to restore us to suche a truthe in hystories as we have longe wanted," for, as Bale goes on to say, "the greate want of them hath caused our latter chronicles, specyally Johan Hardynge, Wyllyam Caxton, Robert Fabiane, and now last of all Polydor Vergyll so deeply to erre as they have done in many poyntes."  "To sende them fourth abroade amonge men,—for that purpose (I thynke) God hath in thys age geven the noble art of prentynge."1  And Leland, in his "New Year's Gift," claimed that part of the books he had found had been printed in Germany, and that some were then (1546) in the presses of Froben, the well-known printer of Basle; though in 1549 Bale says he could not hear of these last.2






            From the letter to Henry VIII (shortly entitled "New Year's Gift," by Bale), which is reprinted at the end of this Introduction,3 we learn more of Leland's motives and intentions than anywhere else; and the care of Bale, who printed it in 1549 (from a copy supplied by a special friend) with a preface and a running commentary of his own, adds some interesting indications of contemporary value.  A friend, quoted by Bale,1 and "familiarly acquainted" with Leland, says, "that he from his youth was so earnestly studious and desirous of our antiquities that always his whole studies were directed to that end," and therefore he had studied British, Saxon, and Welsh.  While extolling his genius, the friend feared that he was vainglorious, and lamented his "poetical wit" which he thought had caused his ill-health and frenzy, but knew from what he had seen in Leland's study that he had many works orderly digested, ready to bring out according to promise.  The passionate love of truth and their country animated all these men; Bale refers to the reputation of Leland again in his play, "Kynge Johan," where he makes Verity say, opposing a supposed lie of the Romanist, Polydore Vergil,

                        "Yes!  therefore, Leylonde, out of thy slumber awake,

                        And wytnesse a trewthe for thyne owne contrayes sake."1


            Among the "antiquities" which Leland specially studied were the historians and chroniclers of England, and, as he tells us, when he had read these historiographers he was inflamed with the desire to see all parts of the realm, and, giving up his occupations, he traveled to and fro over England and Wales for six years.2  In the course of these journeys he made descriptive notes of the places and the nature of the country; obtaining also access to libraries3 and records, he made numerous extracts of historical, local, and genealogical interest as he went along.  Many ordered works were intended to grow out of these notes, illness overtook him, and the achievement fell short of the intention, but it left us his famous "Itinerary" which, even unfinished as it is, with all its imperfections, entitles Leland to be called the father of English topography ["precise description of a place or region", etc. (].  Such an undertaking as the particular description of England, the features of town and country interspersed with historical notes, was unheard of; it was a thing of magnitude demanding learning, months of laborious trael, and much expense; it was a mark at once of the increasing desire for information and of the growing pride of Englishmen in their country—of what we should now call the "imperial spirit," literally expressed by Leland's words to his sovereign, intending a table map of "your world and impery of England."  These words were warmly defended by Bale, for "men should not disdainously scorn that they are yet ignorant of."


            In 1542 Leland was presented to the rectory of Haseley, in Oxfordshire (his notes on this place occur in the present volume, pp. 113, 114), and in the following year to a prebend in the new King's College, Oxford (afterwards Christ






Church), which was later replaced by other emoluments.  In 1551 he held, besides the rectories of Pepeling and Haseley, a prebend at East Knowle, Wilts, and an annuity of  £26 13s. 4d., and thus had been provided for.  At the end of his travels, about 1542 or 1543, he is believed to have settled with his books in London, in the parish of St. Michael le Querne.  It may have been about this time that he wrote to his friend, Mr. Bane, student at Louvain, to procure him a "toward young man," learned in Latin and Greek, no doubt to assist him.1  Here, it may be, he wrote out the first three and other narrative Parts of his "Itinerary," as he planned "a description of your realm in writing."  Many other brave projects, too great for his strength, were doomed to be cut short; about the spring of 15472 Leland (in Bale's words) "by a most pitifull occasion fell besides his wits."  The friend quoted before sent Bale Leland's then printed works, and, lamenting his sudden fall, said he was in such a frenzy that there was little hope of recovery, a foreboding which came true.  On 21st March 1551, he was, with all his property, put into the care of his elder brother, John; and on 18th April, 1552, he died.  He was buried in the church of St. Michael le Querne (not far from St. Paul's), which was burned in the Great Fire of 1666; Stow ("Survey," 1603) mentions his monument, but in Weever's time no inscription remained.1'  [x-xv].



'The work, "De viris illustribus, sive De Scriptoribus Britannicis," an account of British writers in four books, chronologically arranged, announced by Leland,3 was left unprinted; "blessed be that man," says Bale, "which shall set that worthy work abroad."  Bale himself, the year before, had issued a book of the same kind, "Illustrium majoris Britanniae Scriptorum Summarium" (printed at Ipswich, 4to, 1548), and now, in 1549, had ready another volume—"yet would I have no man to judge my rude labours to Leyland's fine workmanship in any point equal," he modestly remarks.4  Bale re-issued his own quarto at Wesel, on the Rhine, with additions, in 1549, and two folio editions were issued at Basle in 1557 and 1559; there is no doubt that he owed some of his material to Leland.'  [xvi].



            'We come now to the "Itinerary."2  The blessing of John Bale [1495 – 1563] must have rested upon Thomas Hearne [1678 – 1735], the painstaking librarian of Bodley's library, who spent several years in making an exact copy of the manuscript, which he published in nine volumes at Oxford and Eton, 1710–1712 (in an edition of 120 copies).'  [xix].


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from:  Two Treatises:  The First, Of the Lives of the Popes, and Their Doctrine.  The Second, Of the Masse:  The One and the other collected of that, which the Doctors, and ancient Councels, and the Sacred Scripture do teach.  Also, A Swarme of False Miracles, wherewith Marie de la Visitacion, Prioresse de la Annuntiada of Lisbon, deceiued very many:  and how she was discouered, and condemned.  Reuelation 17.I.  Come, and I will shew thee the condemnation of the great Whore, which sitteth upon many waters.  And vers. 15. The waters which thou sawest, where the whore sitteth, are people, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues.  The second edition in Spanish augmented by the Author himselfe, M. Cyprian Valera, and translated into English by John Golburne.  1600.


Printed at London by John Harison, and are to be sold at the Grey-hound in Pater noster row.  1600.


"Valera, Cipriano de, 1532?–1625.


Two treatises the first, of the liues of the popes, and their doctrine.  The second, of the masse:  the one and the other collected of that, which the doctors, and ancient councels, and the sacred Scripture do teach.  Also, a swarme of false miracles, wherewith Marie de la Visitacion, prioresse de la Annuntiada of Lisbon, deceiued very many:  and how she was discouered, and condemned.  The second edition in Spanish augmented by the author himselfe, M. Cyprian Valera, and translated into English by Iohn Golburne, 1600., Printed at London:  By Iohn Harison [3], and are to be sold [by John Harrison [1]] at the Grey-hound in Pater noster row, 1600."  


[this is a translation of:  Los dos Tradatos del Papa i de la Misa, Cipriano de Valera (1532? – 1625), years 1588, 1599].  ["Early English Books Online" (via a local University)].







"Leo 10 hearing that the Frenchmen, by the Imperialls were vanquished, slaine, taken, and cast out of Italy, and that, through his assistance, died by his excessiue joy, and laughter, his soule departed from him, but of poison that they gaue him, as Panninus supposeth.  An Atheist he was, & thought there was after this life, neither heauen nor hell.  And so he died without receiuing the Sacraments.  He could not (saith Sanazaro) receiued them; because he had sold them.  And so almost no chiefe bishop (as noteth Panninus vpon the life of Pius 4) receiued them,


His Atheisme plainely appeared by an answere which he made to Cardinall Bembus [not a Cardinal until 1539 (Leo X died 1521)]; who had alleaged vnto

him a passage of the Gospell:  Whereunto in these wordes, he dissolutely answered: 


what profit this fable of Christ hath brought to vs, and our company:  All the world knoweth. 


Leo by this answere, well shewed himselfe to be Antichrist.  Obey him then Spaine, and hold him for Christ's vicar.  Paulus Iouius wrote the life of Leo 10. where among other things he saith these words:  Leo had also an euill report, because it apeared that he affected vnhonestly some of his chamberlaines (which were of the greatest nobles of all Italie) & hartely and freely played with them.  It is not Luther his enemie, that saith this against him:  but his friend, an Italian, and Bishop Paulus Iouius.  Albeit that such a one was Leo, as the historians of his time doe paint him:  yet so great is the flattery of D. Illescas, that vpon his life [of Leo] [unreadable mark]12.[page number?] these words of him he saith:  After that he came to the Bishopdome his care was always to eate little, & of meats but meanely hot, because they should not prouoke him to dishonesty.  Hither to  Illescas.  In the time of this Leo, Charles the Emperor [Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor (Carlos I of Spain), 1500 – 1558] reigned in Spaine."  [149-150].


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from:  The History of the Life of Katharine de Medicis  Queen Mother and Regent of France.  Or, The Exact Pattern of the Present French King's Policy.  Licensed October 10, 1692.  London, Printed for John Wyat at the Rose in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1693.  Microform (reel).



            "Leo [Leo X, Pope 1513 – 1521] seemed to be strangely Munificent, but, that Munificence was drawn out of the Treasures that Pope Julius [Julius II:  Pope 1503 – 1513 (1443 – 1513)] amassed, notwithstanding the great Wars he maintained; and likewise he raked it every where out of the Church Benefices, which he bestowed and distributed on his Kindred, Friends and Servants both Tuscans and Florentines [the region is Tuscany]; and so diminished Peter's Patrimony more and more, while he imposed new Taxes, and farm'd them to Strangers:  That Munificence was out of the Mony that (to the double) he exacted by Croisades throughout Christendom, which he bestowed to enrich some particular Friends:  And in the mean time left Seeds of Division and Discord in the Church, which yet she feels and for ever will.  He for a long time so spoiled and impoverished the Clergy, Mortgaged the Church-Revenue in Italy, that nothing was left to his Successor; whence came the Proverb, That Leo's Pontificate continued after his Death; and finally to raise some superb Colpss[?], or to adorn a Portal he unridg'd the whole Building. 


[Adrian VI, Pope 1522 – 1523 (1459 – 1523)]


Now, let us come to Clement [Clement VII (first cousin of Leo X), Pope 1523 – 1534 (1478 – 1534)] the other Uncle of Queen Katharine on her Father's side, who was contrary to the Decrees of the Church that exclude Bastards from the Cardinalship, made a Cardinal, and then by Mony and Promisess having procured the Votes of the Conclave, created Pope.  He that in other Affairs had carried himself Craftily, is by his own Servants, from a Conviction of Truth, thus deciphered.  He every where talked of making War on the Turks, and in that very time sowed Discords amongst the Christian Princes, joining himself now to one of them, and then to another, and sometimes to both of them, that he might thereby nourish their Enmities:  He professed openly to persecute Hereticks, and was so good a Catholick, that he [Clement VII] was not ashamed to send to all places for Philosophers to Rome, and ordained them Disputations of the Soul, Whether it is Immortal or not?  And flew out to the hight of Impiety and Blasphemy that


he [Clement VII] said he could never be brought to believe that Opinion, That the Soul is Immortal. 






Likewise he treated a Peace with the Emperor and the French King, and other Princes:  He thought it silly, without Gain, to make good his Promise; and for at length when he promised any thing though with a mind to perform it, no body believed him, which is the Reward of Deceitful Persons.  This Humour appeared to him in all the Affairs he managed with Christian Princes, and the Cruel Revenge he took on those of Florence, after it was surrendered to him, in killing Barbarously the most Eminent Citizens, contrary to the express Articles of the Capitulation."  [10-13].


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from:  A Huguenot Family in the XVI Century, The Memoirs of Philippe de Mornay, Sieur du Plessis Marly [1549 – 1623], written by his Wife [Charlotte Arbaleste c. 1560 – 1606], translated by Lucy Crump, With an Introduction, London, George Routledge & Sons Ltd., New York:  E. P. Dutton & Co.  "1926?"




My hope is offering an English version of this memoir is that it may find a welcome among those to whom a long gone past can still appeal as a living present.  In his own day du Plessis' writings had a wide popularity in English translations; his wife's book has waited for over three hundred years, and yet her writing has a more enduring human interest.  But even a complete French edition of the memoirs, letters and state papers of du Plessis was not published before 1824.  In 1868 a new and carefully-revised text of the memoir, including a few unpublished family letters and papers, was edited by Mme de Witt for the Société de l'Histoire de France, and my translation has been made from this latter text.  The student must still go to the original for he will not find the whole book here, as written by Mlle [(Mademoiselle) though married, this was the usage] du Plessis.  Up to the year 1590 nothing has been omitted.  After that date I have only translated that portion which concerns the de Mornay family, since my object is to reconstruct the history of a family rather than to elucidate the tangle of political and Huguenot events after the cessation of civil war."  [vii].





            "Philippe de Mornay, Sieur du Plessis Marly was born in 1549 and died in 1623.  His memoirs cover the time from his birth to the year 1600.  The writer, his wife [Charlotte Arbaleste], died in 1606; the son, for whom she wrote, was killed in the Low Countries in 1605; their daughters were married and M. du Plessis' last years were passed in a retirement in strange contrast to the incessant turmoil of his youth and middle life.  He was born in an age when his father dared not read a lutheran book for fear "of the fires of persecution then alight in France"; he died in one when greater religious freedom was enjoyed in France than was allowed in any other European country, whether Catholic or Protestant."  [2-3].



            "When Philippe de Mornay and Charlotte d'Arbaleste first met at Sédan, refugees from the massacre of St Bartholomew, they studied arithmetic together and fell in love as they studied.  But between du Plessis' schooldays in Paris and this meeting he had made the grand tour and studied






both at Heidelburg and Padua.  Maybe he had learnt mathematics at the latter place, as well as law, fencing and the science of herbs which he says he studied.  Since du Plessis' chances of church preferment were hopeful his education was so shaped as to fit him for the priesthood.  His school years however were full of interruptions.  Civil wars, his father's death, ill-health, attempts at conversion, the outbreak of plague all interfered with his studies, but in the end his dogged determination and application made a noted scholar of him.  In a disputation to which he was challenged at the close of his student days in Paris he


[DU PLESSIS] was able to quote Greek, Latin and Hebrew writers, to argue on Plato and more than hold his own in theology."  [20] [end of Introduction].



            "At this same time M. de Menneville, the youngest of the Heuqueville family, was studying in Paris and was sometimes to be seen at M. de Longueville's1 house.  One day when there, in the presence of the duke's mother, the Marquise de Rothelin2 who was of our religion, he boasted that he could defeat the most learned huguenot ministers in a disputation.  This boast made her ask if there were no scholar of his own age and rank who would hold an argument with him.  M. du Plessis was mentioned, and so she sent for him and told him of her wish.  When he heard who was the other disputant he told her they were related but that as it was for religion, and was moreover a discussion in all friendliness, he would not allow the relationship to be a bar.  She gathered together a company at her own house, the Hôtel Rothelin near les Enfans Rouges, among whom was M. de Longueville her son, the Marquis de Rothelin,3 the count de Rochefort, M. d'Entragues and several more.  The discussion opened on Purgatory, the subject having been set several days beforehand, but after arguments on the one side and the other, M. de Rochefort stopped the disputation, not caring to have it carried further on this point.  But as it was only fair to see which of the two had studied best, books in Hebrew, Greek and Mathematics were produced and M. de Menneville had to confess that his studies had not gone so far as M. du Plessis'.  Next, the "Timaeus" of Plato was brought forward and discussed till night fell and brought the meeting to a close, since which event M. de Menneville has always felt a certain grudge against M. du Plessis.'  [91-92].



'On the 9th of October Prince Maurice left his camp with all his cavalry and part of his infantry to capture the cavalry of the Marquis of Trivulzio.  As ill-luck would have it our son could not go with him, because two days previously, while chasing an enemy convoy, he had been hurt on the ankle by a kick from a horse he was leading.  It set up a great bruise and inflammation and though he was






determined to be carried on this expedition his friends would not let him go.  The fight was very uncertain, death and flight on both sides, and while some won honour others only won disgrace.  However much our son tried to hide his feelings in his letters, we could read between the lines how vexed he was to miss the very first affair of any importance.  We could easily see that we should not see him home again until he had had another chance.


            On the 22nd October, while he was still laid up with his hurt, news came that Prince Maurice intended to attack Geldern on the following night.  Overjoyed at the prospect of a better action than the one he had missed, our son determined to take part in it, in spite of his lameness.  To make sure of getting there he secured a place in the wagon which was loaded with the petards for the attack on the town.  La Grise, who had been bred as a page by M. du Plessis, went with him.  They came before Geldern on October 23rd at dawn of day.  The curtain (of the town wall) was lit up with torches and the fire of arquebuses.  This, however, did not deter them.  The engineers advanced.  Captain Sault led the first dozen men armed with pistols and cuirasses.  Our son, who esteemed the Captain very highly, ranked himself as his soldier for that day and went with him at the head of the little troop.  The first petard exploded at the first barrier but only blackened it.  The second made an opening for them to get in, but not without some confusion, because the second petard had its pont made specially for the town gate.  As the engineer went back for the third he cried, "Make way" so as to leave himself room to pass.  Some of the less bold thought he meant to shout "Retreat" and so left the position empty.  Our son, at the edge of the town ditch, waved his sword and shouted to rally them, but at that very moment he was shot in the chest and, pierced to the heart, he fell without a sound.  La Grise, who supported him, was struck by the same shot and was mortally wounded.  Our son was borne away immediately by the rest in their retreat.


            Happy end for him, born in the Church of God, nourished in His fear, noted for his worth while yet so young, lost in a righteous quarrel and in an honourable action.  But for us the beginning of a sorrow which can only end in death, with no other consolation but what the fear and the grace of God can give us while we chew the bitter cud of our grief....  [the ellipses are in the text]


            And here it is fitting that my book should end.  It was written for him, to describe the pilgrimage of our lives, and now God has willed that his life should end so soon and so sweetly.  And truly did I not fear M. du Plessis' grief, whose love for me grows as my sorrow grows, I would fain ["gladly"?  "by preference"?] not survive him.' 


[284-285] [end of Memoirs].






'AN AFTERWORD [apparently, by Lucy Crump]


Du Plessis outlived his wife [Charlotte Arbaleste] seventeen years, but he was not left either alone nor in idleness, as the very numerous letters written both by him and to him which have been preserved, abundantly prove.  His daughters, his grandchildren and his great-grandchildren surrounded him with family affection and the protestant Churches held his name in honour to the end....

His last days were described by his secretary in a tiny book, and the final glimpse of the old man can fittingly be seen through the eyes no less admiring than those of the chronicler [Charlotte Arbaleste (wife)] of his active years....


            [secretary of Du Plessis] "By a premonition sent from God M. du Plessis wrote a codicil on the 14th Oct., in which for the peace of the family and for the edification of those who survived him, he explained his last wishes, but owing to various interruptions he was not able to sign the document before the 5th Nov.  'Now,' said he, when it was done, 'I am freed from a great responsibility and there is nothing left for me to do but die.'  And in fact he took to his bed the following day, sick of a continuous fever.  The doctors warned us on Thursday the 9th of the month that his condition was such that, humanly speaking, he would never rise again.  God left him with us yet forty-eight hours which he so wholly devoted to thinking of his salvation that he scarcely heeded anything else.  On this 9th Nov. Madame de Villarnoul, his eldest daughter, came to his bedside and asked if he would have a minister to speak words of comfort to him.  The minister of the neighbouring church came, on her invitation, to warn him of his approaching end and to prepare him to submit to God's will.  But it is worthy of note that the pastor was so troubled himself with the sad news that he blurted it out without that circumlocution which it is usual to employ on such occasions.  M. du Plessis was in nowise disturbed, but with a countenance full of assurance replied:  'Is this truth?  I am content.'  A little later his daughters and their husbands came about his bed.  In a firm voice he gave his blessing to his daughters and his sons-in-law bidding them live in unity.  Then praying God to confirm his benediction he blessed his grandchildren both present and absent, his nephew and his nephew's wife, his household and his servants, not forgetting his doctor who had always attended him faithfully and carefully in all his illnesses, even in this last one.  He charged the pastor to write to Madame des Nozers, the late Madame du Plessis' daughter by her first marriage, a letter bearing his blessing to her and her whole family.  Soon after he bethought him of Madame de L'Isle, daughter of Mme de Villarnoul, regretting that he could not see her and her children to bless them also.  On those of his grandsons who had studied or were studying he called down the blessings of heaven above and the earth beneath. 






Many were the words he [M. du Plessis] spoke, not only in his own tongue, but in Greek and Latin and Hebrew, quoting the Scriptures freely and sometimes Aristotle and Pindar. 


When Friday the 10th Nov. came he opened the day with the prayer, 'Domine aperi labia mea ut annunciem laudem tuam,' nor did he linger very long after this."'  [286-287] [end of Afterword].


_____     _____     _____






from:  The Internet ("Suzie Morley"):


Subject:  Charlotte d'Arbaleste, Wife of Philippe de Mornay



"Hallo Listers, I would l like to propose a toast to Charlotte d'Arbaleste.  Charlotte was the wife of Philippe de Mornay, who was also known as M. du Plessis Marly (from the name of his estate).


She has no relationship (as far as I am aware) to any of my ancestors.  However, I read the following book because Plessis Marly was said to be my ancestors place of origin.


A Huguenot Family in the XVI Century—The Memoirs of Philippe de Mornay, Sieur du Plessis Marly written by his wife


Even on the title page of the book she is 'his wife', almost as though she has (as Andrea pointed out), no identity other than being someone's daughter, wife or mother.


Charlotte was married aged 18, in 1567, to Jean de Pas (Lord of Feuqueres) and they had a daughter, Suzanne de Pas who was born on 29th December, 1568.  The following year Charlotte's husband was wounded (by a horse) and died following a fever on 23rd May, 1569.


Charlotte was in Paris at the time of the massacre and only escaped by hiding in the house of a friend with her daughter and then sending her daughter to stay with her grandmother.  It was to be several years before Charlotte married for a 2nd time.  This time to Philippe de Mornay on 3rd January, 1576.  They had the following children:


Marthe, 17th December 1576, married J. de Jaucourt de Villarnoul 14th April 1599

Elizabeth, 1st June 1578

Philippe, 20th July 1579 in Antwerp

Maurice, who died aged 3 months

Anne, between 1582 – 1584

Twin Sons, still born

Daughter who died aged 3 months

Sara died aged 3 months

Suzanne de Pas married M. de la Verrie on 6th June 1597 and the following year their son, Philippe was born on 15th April 1598.






Charlotte, wrote her husbands memoirs for her son, Philippe, who pre-deceased her, having been killed in the Low Countries in 1605.  Charlotte died a year later in 1606.  Her husband – the hero of the story – died in 1623.


This is a wonderful account of life during this period and there are still some copies of this book available on (or depending upon where in the world you are.


Regards, Suzie"


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See:  Du Plessis Mornay:


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from (email, from special collections, University of California, Irvine):



Le Mystere D'Iniqvité  C'est A Dire, L'Histoire de la Papavté, Par Qvels Progrez Elle Est Montée à ce comble, & quelles oppositions les gens de bien lui ont faict de temps en temps.  Ou sont auffi defendus les Droicts des Empereurs Rois & Princes Chrestiens, contre les Assertions des Cardinaux Bellarmin & Baronius. Par Philippes De Mornay Cheualier, seigneur du Plessis Marly, &c. Conseiller du Roy tres-Chrestien en set Conseils d' Estat & Privé:  Capitaine de cinquante homes d' armes de ses Ordonnances, Gouverneur de la ville & Seneschancée de Saumur, & Surjntendant de ses Maison & Couronne de Navarre.  Falleris eternam qui suspicis ebrius Arcem Subruta succensis mex corruet ima tigillis.  A Savmvr.  Par Thomas Portav.  M. DCXI [for emphasis:  1611].



[for English translation, see 189-190] "Martin Luther entr autres vient là dessus, contre lequel Leon, au lieu de s'amander, jette ses foudres; mais il en sera parlé plus avant en son lieu.  En fin aiant r'allumé la guerre entrel l'Empereur Charles & le Roy de France, pour chasfer les François d'Italie, on lui r'apporte en un sien lieu de plaisir nommé Maliagno, les nouvelles de la prise de Milan & de Parme furiceux, dont il entra en tel excés de joie, que la nuict mesines il lui survint une petite fiebvre, dont, peu de jours apres, il mourut; Le Pasquil saifant comparaison de lui à Iules, en tiroit la difference de leurs noms, concluant son Epigramme parces vers


            Iulius est hominis, bruti Leo, Iulius egit

            Quae suasit ratio, quod libet iste facit


Cestui là faisant ce que la raison lui conseilloit, cestui ci n'avoir autre conseil que son plaisir.  Et Sanazare [SANNAZARO 1456 – 1530] rendant raison de ce qu'il n'avoit point pris ses sacremens en sa fin.


            Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis hora

            Cur Leo non poterat sumere?  vendiderat.


Respond, par-ce qu'il avoit vendu toutes choses sacrées, plus pertinemment fil nous eust dit qu'il ne croioit aucune religion;






Car le Cardinal Bembo son Secretaire, lui alleguant un jour quelque mot de i'Evangile, il fut si osé de lui dire;


Que ceste fable de Christ nous a fait de bien & à tout nostre College. 


L'Homme de peché, le fils de perdition, qu'attendons nosu, qu'il puisse encherir pardessus?  Mais cõme ci dessus leur indice raie encor ces vors & autres [reference, in margin, opposite:  "Index Hispan. f. 121."  [appears to be "129." in the English translation, 1612 (see 188)]] de mesme naturae en Sannazare [spelling varied].  L'hõme de peché, le fils de perdition duquel l'Eglise de si lõg tẽps estoir menacée qu'auroit il plus à surdire?  Remarquent aussi les Historiens des signes, par lesquels il estoir de prés menacé de sa cheute, l'Ange qui estoit au haut du Chasteau sainct Ange, soubs Alexandre sixiesme foudroié du Ciel & jetté en bas; A Rome soubs Leon dixiesme lejour qu'il crea ces trente & un Cardinaux une tempeste, qui au Temple mesmes où ils estoient, arracha les Clefs des mains de l'image de S. Pierre; Et c'estoit en l'an mil cinq cens dixsept lors proprement que Luther commença à foudroier contre le Pape."  [584-585].



[my two years of high school French, 1950–51?  Near zero help].


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from:  The Mysterie of Iniqvitie:  That is to Say, The Historie of the Papacie.  Declaring by what degrees it is now mounted to this height, and what Oppositions the better sort from time to time have made against it.  Where is also defended the right of Emperours, Kings, and Christian Princes, against the assertions of the Cardinals, Bellarmine and Baronius.  By Philip Morney [Mornay], Knight, Lord du Plessis, &c.  Englished by Samson Lennard, London, Printed by Adam Fslip, Anno Dom. 1612 (1611 French).


661 pages, plus "Errata".  No index.  Dark brown leather over "cardboard".  Five pronounced ribs on spine.  Two thin gold lines toward the margins.  Gold embossed figure front and back.  Reddish-brown edges (top edge now blackened).  Bound dimensions:  29.6 x 19.8 x 5.0 centimeters.  Available online (see:  "Early English Books Online" (via a local University)).



            "3  Neither doe we here speake of that pretended donation of Constantine, made vnto the Church of Rome in the person of Syluester, as well of the citie of Rome, as of a great part of Italie, as being a thing contrarie and repugnant to the whole course of histories:  for that we find no fourth Consulship of Constantine the son and Gallicanus, which yet is the date of that donation:  Because Damasus Bishop of Rome, in the life of Syluester, so particularly by him described, maketh no such mention; and Anastasius as little:  Because all Italie, and Rome itselfe, came afterwards in partage among the sonnes of Constantine, as Eusebius, Victor, Zozimus, and Zonaras, report:  Because Isidore, Burchard, and Iuo, judging it Apocryphal, haue omitted it in their seuerall Collections of decrees:  Because Pope Agatho himselfe writing many yeares after to Constantine Pogonatus, calleth Rome Vrbem Imperatoris seruilem [seruile?], i.  The seruile [servile] towne or citie of the Emperour:  Because the most reputed men of the Roman Church haue refuted and rejected it, namely, a Antonine Archbishop of Florence, b Raphael Volaterranus, c Hieronimus Catalanus, Chamberlaine to Pope Alexander the sixt, d Otho Frifingensis, e Cardinall Cusanus, f Laurentius Valla, Senator of Rome, g Francis Guicciardine, and others, euerie one of them famous in their seuerall generations:  ...."  [19].



"....But the fathers of the Councel of Trent in their Indexes in Spaine and Antuerpe, commaund these places to be raced out."  [508]. 


[note, in the margin, opposed] "Index Expurgat. Hispan. fol. 135. & Antuerpian. p. 116."  [508].






'....The Clergie of England thereupon assemble, and vpon the reading of the Popes letters, looke one vpon another admiring the couetousnesse of the Romans, who had not learned this morall distich:


                        Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem,

                        Et non paupertas, sedmentis hiatus egentem.


                        Vertue, not plentie, makes man rich indeed,

                        A greedie mind, though rich, is still in need.'  [372-373].



            "Neither were they silent in Germany; for it is noted, that about these times the prouerbes were verie common, The nearer to Rome the worse Christian:  In the name of God begins all mischiefe (for this was the beginning of their Bulls) He that goes once to Rome sees the man of sinne, he that goes twice knows him, hee that goes thrice brings him home with him; that is to say, being neere the man of sinne, is made like him...."  [618].



'Martin Luther among others then arose, aginst whom Leo, in stead of reformation, cast forth his thunderbolts:  but of that wee will speake more in his place.  At last hauing kindled warre betweene the Emperour Charles the fift and Francis the first, king of France, to driue the Frenchmen out of Italie, newes was brought vnto him to Maliagno, his place of pleasure, That Milan and Parma were taken from the French; whereupon he entred into such an excesse of joy, that the same night he fell into a little feuer, whereof a few days after hee dyed.  Pasquil [see 165] comparing Leo and Iulius together, drew the difference out of their names, and concludeth his Epigram with these verses:


            Iulius est hominis, bruti Leo, Iulius egit

                        Que suasit ratio, quod libet iste facit.


            Iulius a mans name, Leo a bruit beasts had,

            He did as reason will'd, this what his lust him bad.


            And Sanazarus [Jacopo Sannazaro 1458 – 1530] yeelding a reason, why, being at poynt of death, hee [Leo X.] had not receiued the Sacrament, saith,


                        Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis, horâ

                        Cur Leo non poterat sumere, vendiderat. 






Why Leo receiued not at his last houre

                        The Sacraments, aske not, they were not in his power

[see 239-242:  "it is because he has sold them."].


            But more rightly, if he had said, Because he had in him no religion:  For Cardinall [not a Cardinal until 1539 (Leo X died 1521)] Bembo, his Secretarie, alledging vnto him one day something out of the Gospell, he [Leo X.] feared not to answer him,                    


It is sufficiently knowne to all ages, how greatly that fable of Christ hath profited us and ours. 


That man of sinne, the sonne of perdition, of whom the Church hath so long aforehand beene warned [this phrase, appears to be a paraphrase, from John Bale, 1558 (see 167)], thinke wee he could adde any thing to this? 


But their [catholic church] Index Expurgatorius

hath commaunded those verses to be rased out of SanaZarus.  [[note, in the margin, opposed] "Index Hispan. fol. 129."  [appears to be "121.", in the original French, 1611 (see 187)]]


[this paragraph, prompted my research of Sannazaro; guessing, Sannazaro might be responsible for the above underlined epigram]


[Index Expurgatorius:  "list of books allowed only in expurgated form."  Index Librorum Prohibitorum:  "list of forbidden books of the Roman Catholic Church."  (]


The writers of that age doe note some signes which portended his fall at hand:  The Angell which stood on the top of the castle S. Angelo, vunder Alexander the sixt, was cast downe by lightning from heauen.  At Rome also on the same day that Leo the tenth created one and thirtie Cardinals [July 3, 1517 (see  Leo X) (see 111)], a sudden tempest happened in the verie Temple where they were assembled, which struck and carried away the keyes out of the hands of the Image of S. Peter [see, main page] there.  And this was in the yere 1517, at which verie time Luther began to thunder out against the Pope.'  [635]


[note:  the Bayle reference for the above, is page 584 (in the 1611 French edition) (see 186-187)].






"And there need no further proofe thereof vnto vs, than this, That the Diuines of Spaine, in their Index Expurgatorius, in our time, commaunded many places and whole Pages to be raced out in the later editions...."  [637].


[note, in the margin, opposed] "Index Expurgat, Hispanic.  fol. 110, usq[?]; ad 111. & 120."  [637].



"But the Iesuites thought they had found out a fit remedie, when by their Spanish Index Expurgatorius, they commaunded all these places to be rased out."  [639]. 


[note, in the margin, opposed] "Index Expurgat. Hispan. fol. 97. [some of the following is difficult to read (employed my Eschenbach 3x 4.5x 6x 9x loupe (for my gemstones)).  accuracy?] Budaeus de Tranlat. Hellenismi. l. 2."  [639].


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from:  A History of Freethought, Ancient and Modern to the Period of the French Revolution, by J.M. Robertson [1856 – 1933], Fourth Edition, Revised and Expanded, In Two Volumes, Volume I, London:  Watts & Co., 5 & 6 Johnson's Court, Fleet Street, E.C.4, 1936.



'The label of "deist," self-applied by the bearers, begins to come into use in French about the middle of the sixteenth century;1 and that of "naturalist," also presumably chosen by those who bore it, came into currency about the same time.  Lechler traces the latter term in the Latin form as far back as the MS, of the Heptaplomeres of Bodin, dated 1588; but it was common before that date,


as De Mornay [DU PLESSIS] in the preface to his De la Vérité de la religion chrétienne (1581) [see 195] declaims "against the false naturalists (that is to say, professors of the knowledge of nature and natural things)"; and Montaigne in one of his later essays (1588) has the phrase "nous autres naturalists."2 


Apart from these terms, those commonly used in French in the seventeenth century were bel esprit (sometimes, though not necessarily, connoting unbelief), esprit fort, and libertin, the latter being used in the sense of a religious doubter by Corneille, Molière, and Bayle.3'  [2].


            [footnote] '3See F.T. Perrens, Les Libertins en France au xviie Siècle, 1896, Introd. § 11, for a good general view of he bearings of the word.  It [deist] stood at times for simple independence of spirit, apart from religious freethinking.  Thus Madame de Sevigné (Lettre à Mme. de Grignan, 28 juin, 1671) writes:  "Je suis libertine, plus que vous."'  [2].



            'Of the literary freethinking of the later Renaissance the most famous representative is Pietro Pomponazzi, or Petrus Pomponatius (1462–1525), for whom it has been claimed that he "really initiated the philosophy of the Italian Renaissance."2  The Italian Renaissance, however, was in reality near its turning-point, unless we include under the title of Renaissance all the freethought which followed in the sixteenth century when Pomponazzi's treatise on the Immortality of the Soul appeared (1516); and that topic was the commonest in the schools and controversies of that day.3  He has been a times spoken of as an Averroïst, on the ground that he denied immortality; but in reality he rejected, not the Christian and Catholic doctrine as such, but the scholastic doctrine that the belief in immortality could be established by arguments from "natural" reason. 






And that rejection was formally orthodox.  Pomponazzi was in fact arguing as a disciple of Alexander of Aphoridisias, a rival commentator to Averroès.


            That Pomponazzi was by many, in his own day and later, held to have denied immortality, was either a result of inattention to his arguments or a probably true inference that he who declared the doctrine to be established only by faith in Holy Scripture was in his heart an unbeliever.  But though the disbelief, as we have seen, was frequent in Dante's time, and was supported not only by Lucretian and other pagan doctrine, but by the consensus of the Old Testament, it would have been a mortally dangerous course on the part of a lay academic thus to reject a Catholic doctrine vital to the whole Church system.  It was even a provocative course to insist, as Pomponazzi did, that the teaching of Aristotle implicitly negated human immortality; for there was still a strong Aristotelean school who maintained that the philosophy of the Master chimed with the Christian.  But by denying that either reason or heathen authority could prove the doctrine of immortality Pomponazzi was making himself safe with the Church, which so taught.


            In point of fact, when the Patriarch of Venice, moved doubtless by the fact that the monastic authorities there had condemned the book to be burned, wrote to Cardinal Pietro Bembo at Rome [made Cardinal, 1539] asking to have it condemned, Bembo read the treatise and replied that he found in it nothing contrary to truth.  Further, when Bembo, in fulfillment of his duty, laid the case before the "Master of the Apostolic Palace," he also agreed that the book "contained nothing which did not conform to the sentiment of the most celebrated doctors of the Christian religion."1  ["1Bayle, art, Pompanace, Rem. C. (ed. 1820, vol. xii, p. 232a)"]


            Nobody can have appreciated better than Pomponazzi the dilemma of those who held that the belief in immortality could be rationally established.  The Church was bound to maintain that Christ had "brought life and immortality to light."  Those who maintained that it was a rational tenet were sapping the authority of the faith.  Yet to tell men that there was no rational ground for the belief in immortality was to give a lead to unbelief which many would promptly take; and the outcry against Pomponazzi was doubtless largely swelled by the conviction that he knew this would happen.


            It was after he had replied to his assailants in an Apologia that there appeared the fresh and powerful attack of Niphus (Agostino Nifo), to which he replied by a Defensorium.  In these replies he strengthened his affirmations, declaring in the first that nothing was more injurious to the faith than to profess to prove immortality by "natural reason," to which the doctrine was really repugnant; and in the second that he who sought to found the belief on anything






but the doctrine and resurrection of Christ was "unworthy of the name of Christian," "knowing not the excellence of faith, which sufficed to establish solidly what could be sustained in no other way."


            Whether Niphus wrote by the order of Pope Leo X, or whether on the contrary Pomponazzi wrote to please the Pope, as was alleged by Postell, is not to be ascertained by inference.  La Mothe le Vayer, a spirit as skeptical and as strategical as Pomponazzi, rejected the assertion of Postell, whom he described as liable to "very dangerous intervals of mind."


            It was the business of Leo [LEO X], whose own faith is in the highest degree doubtful,


to see to the official maintenance of the canonical doctrines; and he might very well enjoy the performance of Pomponazzi as much as did Bayle, who writes on the whole question with much gusto and at much length, though, curiously enough, he had read only the De Immortalitate Animi, and not the posthumous and other treatises which were published by "Guilhelmus Gratarolus Bergomas, medicus et philosophus," Dean of the Medical College, at Basil in 1567.


            What was probably the most courageous argument of Pomponazzi was his suggestion that, though the doctrine of immortality is to be believed by faith, ethics could do without it,1 on the pagan ground that those who deny it [immortality] open the most perfect way to virtue.2  But though the spectacle of the life of the faithful might have been supposed to make the point sufficiently clear, there was hardihood in the remark that a large number of depraved men believe in the immortality of the soul, while some holy and just men deny it.  Such sayings could please only the unbelievers.'  [414-416].


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from:  A History of Freethought, Ancient and Modern to the Period of the French Revolution, by J.M. Robertson [1856 – 1933], Fourth Edition, Revised and Expanded, In Two Volumes, Volume II, Watts & Co., 1936.



'§ 3.  France


            While Italy continues to be reputed throughout the sixteenth century a hotbed of freethinking, styled "atheism," it appears to have been in France, alongside of the wars of religion, that positive unbelief, as distinct from scripturalist Unitarianism, made most new headway among laymen.  It was in France that the forces of change had greatest play.  The mere contact with Italy which began with the invasion of Charles VII in 1494 meant a manifold moral and mental influence, affecting French literature and life alike; and the age of strife and destruction which set in with the first Huguenot wars could not but be one of disillusionment for multitudes of serious men.


            We have seen as much in the work of Bonaventure Desperiers and Rabelais; but the spread of radical unbelief is to be traced, as is usual in the ages of faith, by the books written against it.  Already in 1552 we have seen Guillaume Postell publishing his book, Contra Atheos.1  Unbelief increasing, there is published in 1564 an Atheomachie by one De Bourgeville:  but the Massacre must have gone far to frustrate him.  In 1581 appears another Atheomachie, ou réfutation des erreurs et impieties des Athéistes, Libertins, etc., issued at Geneva, but bearing much on French life; and in the same year is issued the long-time popular work of the Huguenot Philippe de Mornay [du plessis], De la verité de la religion Chrestienne, Contre les Athées, Epicuriens, Payens, Juifs, Mahumedistes, et autres Infidèles.2'  [520].


            [footnote] "2 Published at Antwerp.  It was reprinted in 1582, 1583, and 1590; translated into Latin in 1583, and frequently reprinted in that form; translated into English (begun by Sir Philip Sidney [see 196] and completed by Arthur Golding) in 1587, and in that form at least thrice reprinted in blackletter ["a heavy angular condensed typeface used especially by the earliest European printers and based on handwriting used chiefly in the 13th to 15th centuries" (Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary)]."  [520].


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Sir Philip Sidney 1554 – 1586  [see 195]



"Sidney was employed about this time in the translation from the French of his friend Du Plessis Mornay's [1549 – 1623] tReatise on the Christian religion. 


He still desired active service and took an eager interest in the enterprises of Martin Frobisher, Richard Hakluyt and Sir Walter Raleigh [1552 – 1618]." 


"Sidney's wide acquaintance with European literature is reflected in this book, but he was especially indebted to the Arcadia of Jacopo Sannazaro [1458 – 1530],


and still more to George Montemayor's imitation of Sannazaro, the Diana Enamorada.  The artistic defects of the Arcadia in no way detracted from its popularity.  Both Shakespeare [baptized 1564 – 1616] and Spenser [Edmund Spenser 1552 – 1599] were evidently acquainted with it.  John Day's Ile of Guls, and the plots of Beaumont and Fletcher's Cupid's Revenge, and of Shirley's Arcadia, were derived from it." 


l l l l l






from:  Jacopo Sannazaro [1458 – 1530] and the Uses of Pastoral, William J. Kennedy, University Press of New England, 1983.





            'By the end of the fifteenth century the best minds of the Renaissance seemed to despair of appropriating the thought, words, and expressions of the ancients in their pristine state.  They recognized how wrong the old language seemed on the lips of the moderns.  Angelo Poliziano (1454–94), for example, argued against the slavish imitation of classical styles urged by Paolo Cortese (1469–1510):  "Those who compose by imitating seem to me like parrots or magpies, uttering words that they don't understand.  What they write lacks forcefulness and life; it lacks energy, emotion, and character; it lies sleeping and snoring.  There's nothing true, solid, or effective about it."5  Desiderius Erasmus (1466–1536) later made the same point in his Ciceronianus (1527), because "there are as many kinds of mind as there are forms of voices and the mirror will be straightway deceptive unless it give back the real image of the mind."6  The sixteenth century fostered the continuance and exacerbation of these ideas in works by Rabelais, Vives, Melanchthon, Giordano Bruno, Montaigne, and others, far beyond pastoral.'  [5].



            "The humanists saw Latin not so much as a dead or dying language but as an elusive one.  The growing cult of Virgilianism in poetry and Ciceronianism in prose represented strained attempts to confer stability first on Virgil's and Cicero's texts, and then on the language as a whole.  In the end these cults killed its natural growth, as Poliziano, Ermolao Barbaro, Erasmus, and others understood when they decried them as lifeless distortions of an originally vital language.  At the same time the endorsement of the vernacular with its varied dialects gave rise to new problems.  Bembo's endeavor to standardize the Italian literary language according to Tuscan norms paralleled developments in Latin.  Although Sannazaro followed Bembo's prescriptions when he revised Arcadia, they must have seemed to him to encourage a myopic constriction of linguistic resources."  [5-6].



            "The only extraliterary affair that claimed his attention during these years was a controversy involving Cassandra Castriota[ahem!].  In 1505 her husband sought a divorce to marry Camilla Gonzaga.  Cassandra refused to comply, and Sannazaro defended her objections.  Litigation continued until September 1518, when Pope Leo X finally ruled in Alfonso's favor after accepting huge sums to annul the marriage.  Between 27 June 1517, and 13 April 1521, Sannazaro






protested the course of events in forty impassioned letters to Antonio Seripando, secretary of Cardinal Ludovico d'Aragona.11   Cassandra eventually rewarded Sannazaro's efforts by helping to arrange for the publication of his Latin poetry."  [26].



            "....By this time the ailing poet [Sannazaro] was seventy years old.  On Christmas Day 1529, he bequeathed his chapels to Dionisio Lauriero, the producer general of the Order of the Servants of Mary.  In return the priests of the order said masses for him and promised to bury him in a tomb of the chapel of St. Nazarius.  The following summer he spent some time at the country home of Cassandra Castriota polishing his collection of Italian sonnets that he had composed at least three decades earlier.  On 6 August 1530, he died there at the age of seventy-two.


            Within the next few years Sannazaro's friends planned and executed a series of monumental editions of his works.  Under their care the first complete edition of all the Latin works,


except for certain censored epigrams,


appeared from the Aldine Press in Venice in 1535.  Over the next century it received at least nineteen reprintings in Venice, Rome, and Paris.  The complete Italian works appeared in 1531, with many reprintings and translations into other languages before the century's end.  Major commentaries on the Arcadia appeared in the editions of 1558 by Tommaso Porcacchi and Girolamo Ruscelli, in 1559 by Francesco Sansovino, and in 1596 by Giovambattista Massarengo.  From these editions and commentaries Sannazaro's fame and influence spread across Italy and Western Europe throughout the sixteenth century.  His works proved to be both symptomatic of their time and influential on it."  [27].



"By the early sixteenth century,


Sannazaro's [1458 – 1530] good friend, Cardinal [Secretary to Leo X; not a Cardinal until 1539 (after the death of Sannazaro)] [note:  John Bale, Pierre Bayle, Du Plessis, made the same error, or took the same liberty— anachronistically writing "Cardinal" (see this author, 202 (same error))]


Pietro Bembo (1470–1547), had initiated a program for returning to Petrarch [1304 – 1374] in a truer spirit than recent Petrarchists had shown."  [39].






            "Of all his Neo-Latin poetry, the epigrams support the widest range of topics.  By convention epigrams are short poems in several meters succinctly stating an attitude or point of view or summing up an action or event already known to the audience.  Their length can vary from two lines to as many as thirty or forty (Sannazaro's longest is sixty-one lines), but rarely do they exceed ten or twelve lines.  They owe their  origins to inscriptional verse commending or reproaching the deeds of particular persons.  In this respect they resemble the epitaph.  The epigram's distinction is its witty turn or sententious comment that usually concludes the poem.  This turn or comment almost always occurs as an antithesis, paradox, or pun that the speaker states or implies.29  Its style aims at a concision and wit that Sannazaro would employ to great advantage in his pastorals. 


            As poetry of statement the epigram also resembles the maxim, though the latter is usually of an abstract, general nature while the epigram is nothing if not concrete, specific, and composed for a particular occasion.  These last qualities figure prominently in the epigrams of The Greek Anthology.  Their effort is to capture in as few words as possible the fleeting nature of a memorable deed or impression.  Martial (ca. A.D. 40–104), on the other hand, developed a different kind of epigram by sharpening the wit and emphasizing the speaker's commentary. 


Martial's example prevailed throughout the Renaissance."  [60-61].



            "Sannazaro's epigrams also exhibit some of the broad range that his pastorals display.  They develop conventional classical topics of praise, blame, friendship, love, funeral lament, and mythological fantasy.  His laudatory epigrams honor his rulers and patrons, the royal Alfonso, Ferrandino, and Federigo; his aristocratic friends and acquaintances like Acquaviva, Assanio, Caudole, and D'Alvo; and members of the humanist circle like Pontano, Cariteo, Summonte, Compatre, and Cotta.  Other epigrams make satiric fun of individuals in those circles:  misers, cuckolds, pedants, and old fools, usually identified not by proper name but by role or class like "Quinzio," "Pretor," and "Vetustino."  Sometimes the speaker quite clearly designates the object of his scorn, as when he names Poggio, Platina, and Poliziano, against the last of whom he directs four particularly cutting epigrams.  Sannazaro reserves his harshest scorn for several contemporary popes and members of the Borgia family, whom he criticized on social, moral, and political grounds. 






These epigrams, together with other surprisingly obscene, lewdly pornographic ones, received ecclesiastical censure and were not printed until the Amsterdam edition of 1728.30 


Still, they bear the same stamp of Sannazaro's talent as the pastoral, amatory, and mythological ones that have long held esteem in the poet's canon.


            A legend circulated by Crispo represents Sannazaro [Jacopo Sannazaro 1458 – 1530] as composing the majority of his epigrams to amuse fellow soldiers and travelers during military campaigns with Alfonso in 1482–83.31  Whatever the occasion, Sannazaro never judged them fit for publication in his lifetime.  Late in his career he entrusted their manuscript to his friend, Antonio Garlon, who gave them to the famous Venetian printer, Paolo Manuzio [1512 – 1574], after Sannazaro's death. 


Manuzio's edition of the Latin poems in 1535 was itself incomplete.32 


Censorship [see 276-296] prevented the publication of the antipapal epigrams,


while the printer's own selection eliminated many poems on obscure or little-known people. 


To this date, the Amsterdam edition of 1728 remains the only complete[?] one in print."  [61-62].



            'On occasion the lambent ["brilliant", etc.] wit of these epigrams can pass over into frank obscenity.  The Aldine edition of 1535, and all subsequent editions printed in Italy, excluded three mythological epigram[s] and four others on various topics because of their lewdness.  The three mythic ones deal with the gods' homosexual affairs....






            In addition to these epigrams there are others deleted from the canon for their controversial satiric nature.  They criticize the popes whose political dealings Sannazaro experienced first-hand in his lifetime.  Sannazaro regards these popes as perverse shepherds who have neglected their pastoral duties.


            His attitude towards the first two popes of the sixteenth century is unambiguous.  He resented Julius II ([Pope] 1503–13) for refusing to intervene in the exile of Federigo and himself.  Addressing Julius in [Epigrams] II.48/36 by his name and former title as Julianus Roverus (Giuliano Della Rovere), cardinal of St. Peter in Chains, he laments that he himself will perish unless that prelate change matters; "Nil meminit praeter vincula et exsilium:  (4; "but Julius thinks only of chains and banishment").  Here the chains refer both to Federigo's exile and to the lucrative benefice of Julius's see, St. Peter in Chains.  The pope is unwilling to look beyond his own self-interest. 


Julius's successor, the Medici Pope Leo X (1513–21), receives a different kind of criticism in II.57 [see 204, 212, 217, 234].  Sannazaro never forgave Leo for taking the side of Cassandra Marchese's husband in granting him their divorce.  Accordingly he characterizes Leo as shortsighted, caeculus [(meaning?) "A God who causes blindness." (Oxford Latin Dict., 1968)], and, punning on the pope's chosen name as "lion," addresses him as more a mole than the king of beasts.  Any other name, he concludes, would be more proper for him than "Leo."  Later, in [Epigram] III.8 on Leo's death [not 1521, but, 1518 (see 234)], the speaker asks whether his audience knows why the pope could not receive the last rites.  The reason, he asserts, is that he had already sold them simoniacally [via simony ("profit out of sacred things" (].


            Sannazaro resented the narrowness, self-absorption, and protectivism of these popes, but he positively loathed the political alliances, machinations, and duplicity of their immediate predecessors, Innocent VIII (1484–92) and Alexander VI (1492–1503).'  [66-67].






            "The Borgia Pope Alexander VI [Pope 1492 – 1503 (1431 – 1503)] and his heirs, Lucretia and Cesare, received Sannazaro's scorn in the poet's eighteen most malicious epigrams.  He ascribes to Alexander VI the direct cause of the wars that ravaged Italy in his time.  Upon Alexander's death, Sannazaro addresses Alecto, chief of the furies, and asks whether she knows why peace had dawned and strife so suddenly fallen silent.  The reason is this pope's death (I.22).  In life he was indeed a fisher of men since he fished for his son's benefits with nets and snares laid for others (I.51)."  [68].



            "The diversity of modes and styles in Sannazaro's three books of epigrams [titles?] is wholly admirable.  Composed over a long period of time, those books reflect a wealth of tones, moods, and attitudes from amatory to funereal, mythological to historical, adulatory to satiric."  [68].



'Contemporaries ranked Sannazaro with his friends Pontano and Cariteo among the greatest poets of their generation.   His


[Sannazaro's] friendship with Cardinal Bembo


and his willingness to adapt to the later's Tuscan prescriptions assured him a wide audience throughout Italy.  Ludovico Ariosto, surely the greatest poet of the era, represented Sannazaro in the first and subsequent editions of his Orlando furioso (1516–32) among celebrated Italian poets as "the man I have so longed to meet"'  [107].



"For publication in 1504 he [Sannazaro] followed Bembo's advice in revising the orthography and adapting much of the diction to the Tuscan norm."  [109].



"Luther [1483 – 1546] broke with Rome in 1517.  The full consequences of that act along with other reform movements in the north seem to have eluded Sannazaro, but they did sharpen his sensitivity to the ways audiences would receive his sacred epic. 


On 6 August 1521, Pope Leo X issued a motu proprio ["of his [Leo X] own accord"] encouraging Sannazaro to publish De Partu Virginis as a counterstatement against the German heretics."  [182].






'It is true that Milton echoed the topic of De Partu Virginis in his Ode on the Morning of Christ's Nativity, but nonetheless Sannazaro's major Latin poem had remarkably few imitators in any language.


            One reason may have been Sannazaro's very choice of Latin as a literary medium.  Historically the movement to develop a Neo-Latin literature in Italy and throughout Europe reached an abrupt end within a generation after Sannazaro's death, as much for political and ecclesiastical reasons as for philological ones.  As Latin came to be identified with Roman Catholic orthodoxy, its appeal as a pan-European literary language diminished.  The Counter-Reformation, moreover, soon encouraged the use of the vernacular against Protestant heresy. 


In the north, the forces of Neo-Latin literature were just gaining a foothold with such superb stylists as Marc-Antoine Muret, Conrad Celtis, Joannes Secundus, and Maciej Sarbiewsky when the Protestants rejected the idea of Latinitas altogether.  Even those northern Latinists sympathetic with Sannazaro's Roman orthodoxy would find fault with his poem.  Erasmus, for example, felt that "he would have deserved more praise if he had treated his sacred subject somewhat more reverently."30  It would seem then that Sannazaro's detailed attention to Latin style had reaped insufficient rewards.'  [223].



            ["Notes"] [not referenced above] "30.  Opera Latina Scripta ex Secundis Curis Jani Broukhusii (Amsterdam:  Gerard Onder, 1728) [see 212];


I refer to it for those epigrams expurgated from all Italian editions since 1535 [and those expurgated before 1535?]."  [229].


_____     _____     _____






from:  Opera Omnia Latine Scripta, Nuper Edita, Jacobi Sannazarii, M.  D.  XXXV.  Microform (reel).  [from the last page] "Venetiis, in aedibvs haeredvm Aldi Manvtii, et Andreae Asvlani soceri, mense septembri, M.  D.  XXXV."  [for emphasis:  1535].





Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat."  [last entry of text]. 


[note:  the book has one other epigram regarding Leo X:  "Sumere maternis....esse Leo."  (see 212)].


_____     _____     _____



I (LS) glanced at this book (I did not see one epigram regarding Leo X): 


Author             Sannazaro, Jacopo, 1458–1530


Title                Iacobi Sannazarii Opera omnia Latinè scripta, et in tres De partus Virginus / Valentini Odoricii Vtinensis commentaria... .  Addito pretereà in fine comment. ipsius Odoricii poemate de incendio Veneto...  .  Et in fine operas Elegia de foelici Victoria à Christianis contrà Turcas parta, & alijs lectu indignis.  Cum indice rerum memorabilium locupletissimo, cum privilegio.


Published     Venetiis: Apud Franciscum de Franciscis Senensem, 1593.


_____     _____     _____



Other books by Jacopo Sannazaro, that I (LS) glanced at:


1533 (Le Rime di M. Giacobo Sannazaro)

1534 (Sonetti:  E Canzoni) (Microform (reel))

1589 (Rime) (Venice) (Microform (reel))

1590 (Iacobi Sannazarii Opera)

1732 (Works) (Neapoli) (big book, much biography on Sannazaro.  Leo X

         seen on xxiii and xv)


_____     _____     _____






Note:  this (edited) email, with Naples, Italy (La Biblioteca di Benedetto Croce), was an attempt to investigate a "singular" book by Sannazaro.



From:  Lino Sanchez



Subject:  I am a researcher, book collector, gem collector


Sent:  Tuesday, October 24, 2006


To:  Biblioteca dell 'Istituto e della Biblioteca di Benedetto Croce   October 23, 2006




I am a researcher.  I would like to pay someone, to look for some rare material in one of your books.  (I cannot find the book elsewhere).  An easy task (easily localized).  If the material is found, it probably would only constitute one page of written material.


I found the book in La Biblioteca di Benedetto Croce, Dora Beth Marra, Bibliopolis, c2005.


                        Thank You!, for Your consideration.                     Lino Sanchez


_____     _____     _____



From:  "Biblioteca – Istituto Italiano Studi Storici"


To:  Lino Sanchez


Subject:  Re:  I am a researcher, book collector, gem collector


Date:  Thu, 2 Nov 2006






Dear Lino Sanchez


we would like to help you.  The book you are interested in, that is "La biblilioteca di Benedetto Croce", is in our library, but you should let us know what are you exactly looking for.  As soon as you tell us, we can send you photocopies of the pages at the address that you will communicate us.


Yours sincerely

the librarian

Elli Catello


_____     _____     _____



From:  Lino Sanchez




Subject:  I am a researcher, book collector, gem collector


Date:  Thu, 02 Nov 2006



Hello Elli Catello!                                              11/2/2006


1. Thank You very much for Your response.


2.  I am researching epigrams of Jacopo Sannazaro [1458 – 1530].


3.  I am presently interested in the epigrams with Leo X, as subject.


One example (I found):  "Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora


            Cur Leo non potuit sumere; vendiderat."


4.  I am especially looking for one rare (blasphemous) epigram (possibly mentioning Pietro Bembo, Secretary to Leo X), that is given in some places as:  "Quantum nobis nostrique que ea de Christo fabula prosuerit, satis est omnibus seculis notum".


This epigram, reportedly [see Du Plessis, 190], was expurgated by the Index Epurgatorius.  I am hoping that the epigram survived, possibly, in Your book:






Actii Synceri Sannazarii quaedam Epigrammata.  Amstelodami, 1751.  [found in:  La Biblioteca di Benedetto Croce, volume 2, 2005, pages 47 and 50 [photograph of title page]].


Thank You for Your research.


                                                Best Wishes!  Lino Sanchez



Note:  I (LS) did not receive a reply (for lack of Italian?  Subject matter?  Etc.?).  This is the only copy of this book I have encountered.


_____     _____     _____



Note:  this (edited) email, with the British Library, was an attempt to investigate another "singular" book by Sannazaro.



From:  Lino Sanchez


Sent:  23 November 2006


To:  Research


Subject:  researching Jacopo Sannazaro, for copies of caustic sayings about Leo X.


                                    Hello Steve van Dulken!                      November 23, 2006


1.  I am looking for caustic epigrams against Pope Alexander VI, and Leo X, by Jacopo Sannazaro (1458 – 1530).


 2. One rare one, if found (it could be a pasquinade, etc., not in Sannazaro), could read similar to:


Example A.  "Quantum nobis ac nostro coetui prosuerit ea de Christo fabula, satis est seculis omnibus notum."  (John Bale, 1558)


Example B.  "Quantum nobis nostrisque ea de Christo fabula prosuerit satis est omnibus seculis notum."  (Pierre Bayle, 1736)






3.  A possible source:


System number 003246455

["Synceri.  De partu virginis….A. FretiaM Corinaldinum:  Neapoli, 1526"]


Shelfmark  G.10031.Request


 4.  Note:  Sannazaro was in the Indices Expurgatorii, and, reportedly expurgatged from at least 1535---and probably much earlier.


 5.  The above 1526 book, reportedly, a first edition for Sannazaro, might not contain epigrams (knowing that, would also be helpful).


 6.  If there are caustic epigrams against Alexander VI, and/or Leo X (which are generally easy to espy), I would like to pay for some form of copies.


Thank You!  Lino Sanchez


_____     _____     _____



From:  "Rare-Books"


To:  Lino Sanchez


Subject:  researching Jacopo Sannazaro, for copies of caustic sayings about Pope Leo X.


Date:  Fri, 1 Dec 2006

Our Ref:  RB/1321/06:MM


Dear Lino Sanchez,


Thank you for your enquiry which has been forwarded to the Rare Books Reference Enquiries for us to reply to.


I have checked Jacopo Sannazaro, 'Synceri.  De partu virginis…'  (British Library shelfmark G 10031) and can confirm that this volume does not contain either of the epigrams that you mention in your enquiry.  I cannot see any mention of Pope Alexander VI or Pope Leo X anywhere in this volume.






Yours sincerely


Malcolm P Marjoram

Rare Books Reference Service

The British Library

95 Euston Road




Telephone +44 (0)20 7412 7564

Fax +44 (0)20 7412 7691




Note:  I thanked Malcolm P Marjoram, for this unexpected excellent research, in this "singular" Latin book, by Sannazaro.


_____     _____     _____



Note:  an email and telephone call to Yale University, regarding a  "singular" book of Sannazaro:  Actii Synceri Sannazarii De partv Virginis.  Lamentatio de morte Christi.  Piscatoria.  Romae:  F.M. Calvus, 1526, yielded no reply.


_____     _____     _____






from:  Delitiae Delitiarvm, Sive Epigrammatvm Ex optimis quibusq; hujus & novissimi seculi poetis in ampliffimâ illâ Bibliothecâ Bodleiana, Et penè omninò alibi extantibus [Greek letters], in unam corollam connexa  Operâ A B. Wright Art. Bac. & S. Ioan.  Bapt. Coll. Socii.  Plin.1.7.Ep.9.  Fas est & carmine remitti; non dico continuo & longo, sed hoc arguto & brevi, quod aptè quantaslibet occupationes curasq distinguit.  Oxoniae, Excudebat Leonardus Lichfield  Impensis Gulielmi Webb.  1637.




Sannazarivs."  [108]



"In Lvcretiam, de Alexandro Sexto.


Ergone te semper rapiet, Lucretia, Sextus?

            O satum diri nominis, hio pater est!"  [108].



"Epitaphium Alexandri Sexti.


Nomen Alexandri ne te fortasse moretur,

            Hospes, abi; jacet hic & scelus, & vitium.



In Leonem pontificèm maximum.


Sacra sub extremâ, si fortè, requiritis, horâ

            Cur Leo non poterat sumere? vendiderat."  [109].



"De Poggio Historico.


Dvm patriam laudat, damnat dum Poggius hostem,

            Nec malus est civis, nec bonus historicus."  [110].






"De Danae & Iove.


Formosam Danaën munibat ahenea turris,

            Et satis hoc vanus credidit esse pater.

Indoluit tenerae miseratus fata puellae

            Iupiter, & subitò factus amator, ait,

Ergo arcere potes natam divisq; virisque?

            At si non arces imbribus, imber ero."  [111].



"De mirabili Urbe Venétiis.


Vlderet Hadriacis Venetam Neptunus in undis

            Stare urbem, & toto ponere jura mari:

Nunc mihi Tarpeias quantumvis Iupiter arces

            Objice, & illa tui moenia Maitis, ait.

Si pelago Tybrim praefers, urbem aspice utramq;:

            Illum homines diccs, hanc posuisse deos."  [111].


_____     _____     _____






from:                          ACTII  SINCERI



SANNAZARII, PATRICII NEAPOLITANI, OPERA, LATINE SCRIPTA.  EX SECUNDUS CURIS.  JANI BROUKHUSII.  Accedunt.  Gabrielis Altilii, Danielis Cereti, & Fratrum Amaltheorum Carmina; Vitae Sannazarianae, & Notae   PETRI VLAMINGII.  AMSTELAEDAMI, Apud Viduam GERARDI ONDER DE LINDEN,   M. DCC. XXVIII [for emphasis:  1728].  [black, and red, print]


[opposite:  beautiful engraving:  strong, handsome bust of Sannazaro; to his left, a dreamy young lady, leaves in hair, right, full breast, undraped, left elbow resting on two long pages with titles of works by Sannazaro].


[Note:  marbled endpapers; spine rebound (brown tape); light brown leather covered boards, gold line near edge; red speckled brown edges (topedge mostly grayish); moderate "foxing" (brownish splotches, apparently due to acid in the paper (not fungi)).  "DEDICATIO.", plus "PRAEFATIO.", plus 632 pages of text, plus "INDEX.", "INDEX II.".  Title page embossed near fore edge—vertically:  "University Library   Princeton, N.J.".  Bookplate inside front board:  "Library of...[Latin words] Princeton University."  Bound dimensions:  20.5 x 13.2 x 4.6 centimeters.  Decision of my librarian friend and myself:  no copying!  I opened the book, varying, about 30–100º]. 





1.  "EPIGRAMMATON" [252]


"LIBER II."  [253]


"LVII.  IN LEONEM X. PONT. MAX.  [1518?  (see 234, Epigram II 57) (Leo X, died 1521)]


Sumere maternis titulos cum posset ab Ursis Caeculus hic noster, maluit esse Leo.  Quid tibi cum magno communeest, Talpa, Leone?  Non cadit in turpes nobilis ira feras.  Ipse licet cupias animos simulare Leonis:  Non lupus hoc genitor, no finit ursa parens.  Ergo aliud tibi prorsus habendum est, Caecule, nomen:  Nam cuncta ut possis, non potes esse Leo."  [252-253]. 


[A discussion in smaller print, follows].






2.  "EPIGRAMMATON" [270]


"LIBER III."  [271]


"VIII. IN LEONEM X. PONT. MAX.  [see 224]


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat."  [271].  [See:  239-242].






DILECTE fili, salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem....Die VI. Augusti.  M.D.XXI.  Pontificatus nostri anno nono.  BEMBUS.  Per Favonium De mandato." 

[561, 563].







"Leo Papa X. 561."



"Index II."


"Leo. Pont. Max. 252.  271.

Leonis Pont. Max.  Bulla ad Sannazarium.  561." 


[no page numbers in either Index].




Comment:  I have never studied Latin.  There is much fine print.  Glancing, I did not see "Christo fabula" (see 13-17).


_____     _____     _____






from:  Memoirs of Angelus Politianus, Joannes Picus of Mirandula, Actius Sincerus Sannazarius, Petrus Bembus, Hieronymus Fracastorius, Marcus Antonius Flaminius, and The Amalthei:  Translations from their Poetical Works:  and Notes & Observations concerning Other Literary Characters of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries.  The Second Edition, greatly augmented.  By The Rev. W. Parr Greswell [1765 – 1854], Curate of Denton, in Lancashire.  Manchester, Printed by R. and W. Dean; for Cadell and  Davies, Strand, London.  1805 (1801).



'PREFACE [to the first edition, 1801]


            The interval comprehended between the dawn of learning after a long night of ignorance and barbarism, and the time when it attained its meridian splendour, forms a period highly interesting, no less to the philosophical than the classical enquirer.  Its importance has already been fully recognized; and the splendid productions* [see footnote, 215] of two classic pens, have recently served rather to stimulate than to allay the curiosity of the public.


            Those distinguished scholars who form the subjects of the following pages, are justly numbered among the brightest luminaries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and the restoration of letters, which was attended with effects so beneficial to society, is in some degree to be attributed to their efforts and example.  It is scarcely necessary to observe, that the authentic particulars of their lives and literary exertions are principally to be drawn in detached and scanty portions, from volumes of rare occurrence, and which lie concealed in situations not always easy of access.  If, from the materials which have occurred to the author in his researches, he should appear to have selected too sparingly—his plea is, that he preferred this extreme, to that of entering into a minuteness of detail, which might probably fatigue rather than interest the reader.


            Of the authenticity of these biographical and literary notices the intelligent reader will form an estimate from the authorities which have been carefully adduced.  It could afford little satisfaction to those who desire to exercise their own judgment, to peruse a collection of mere anecdotes unsanctioned by the vouchers of historic truth.


            Much valuable information respecting these learned men might probably be obtained from sources which the author has not yet had an opportunity of exploring.  "Videlicet hoc illud est praecipuè studiorum genus, quod vigiliis augescat—ut cui subinde ceu fluminibus ex decursu, sic accedit ex






lectione minutatim quo fiat uberius."*  He will continue to feel sufficient interest in such a subject, to render him desirous of doing it more justice hereafter, if his present essay should be favorably received by the candid public.'


            [footnote (see 214)] '*Mr. Roscoe's "Life of Lorenzo de' Medici:"  and "Memoirs of the House of Medici, &c. translated from the French of Mr. Tenhove, with notes and observations by Sir Richard Clayton, Bart."'  ["iii"].


            [footnote (see above)] '*Ang. Politiani "Miscellaneor.  Praefatio."'  ["iii"-iv].





to the




The favourable reception with which the former edition of these "MEMOIRS" has been honoured by the public, having encouraged me to prepare a second edition, it has been my anxious wish, by rendering the work more ample and compleat, to recommend it to future patronage.  In this attempt, I have at once gratified my own predilection for enquiries of this liberal kind, and endeavoured to fulfil a task which I formerly pledged myself to undertake.


            If biographical researches and the personal histories of those, who by pre-eminence in wisdom, by works of taste or improvements in science, have pleasingly distinguished themselves from the great mass of mankind, are fraught with instruction and delight; those have an especial claim to this character which are connected with the period when Reason began to re-assert her power; when the capabilities of mind and the energies of genius, roused from long torpor and inaction, seemed to have acquired a kind of juvenile vigour from their slumbers, and a noble ardour for precedency in intellectual attainments prompted so many to exertion in the same career.  "This was the happy age, when Italy in particular,  appeared to be animated with the spirit of ancient Greece; when the most laudable studies, the sublimest sciences, the most valuable arts were cultivated in that genial soil with such a degree of felicity, that the human mind seemed to have called forth its utmost powers; and genius could scarce be imagined capable of higher perfection, or art of nobler achievements.  In these days many individuals appeared, whose Latin compositions in verse and prose, are distinguished by the genuine flavour of the Augustan age [before Christianism ("Christianity")]; whilst in their native language historians and poets composed works that might challenge the finest productions of antiquity,—architects, painters, and sculptors arose, whose






performances will perhaps be excelled by those of no succeeding times.  This was the period when scholars engaged with enthusiasm in every important department of knowledge, when considerable advances were made in every walk of sound learning, and new paths of science were pointed out to the literary and philosophical investigations of succeeding ages.  This too was the period of classic taste and elegant refinement, when with an emulous and liberal curiosity, the eye of erudition began to contemplate the medals, sculptures, and other proud spoils and precious relics of antiquity."*


            An admired author † of our own days, has however, justly observed, that "biographers in the pursuit of information, are naturally betrayed into minute researches," that "the curiosity of the reader is seldom proportioned to that of the writer in this species of composition," and that "every incident relating to a favourite character, which the mind has long contemplated with attention, acquires importance."  A consciousness of these truths, and other considerations, induced me to avoid entering, in the former edition, into various particulars, which a more implicit confidence in my own judgment or compliance with my own wishes would otherwise have persuaded me not to neglect.  At present, I feel less hesitation in entering somewhat more particularly into minutiae, in which the public has manifested a flattering interest.  The notices concerning Politian and the scholars of his age have been very considerably enlarged, and the particulars will, it is presumed, be found better arranged and methodized.  Some of the memoirs of other scholars who form the subjects of this volume have been written anew, and all of them more or less augmented.  Some passages of the former volume have been, for obvious reasons, transposed; others, but those of inconsiderable importance, have been suppressed, generally to make room for more ample details, or particulars that appeared more interesting."'  ["v"-viii].



            "The literary associates of Sannazarius were numerous, and consisted of such as were more celebrated for their talents and learning in this classic age.  In his friendships he is said to have been uniformly ardent and sincere.  Of the memory of Pontanus, who had given a powerful impulse to his youthful studies, he testified his grateful remembrance by assisting in collecting his works after that scholar's decease, and arranging them for the press.  He is commended for his probity, his love of justice and abhorrence of litigation.  By some however he is numbered among the ardent and unreserved votaries of pleasure.  He is said in his old age to have affected all the levity and gallantry of youth.  The indisposition which terminated his life was brought on by grief and chagrin, on account of the demolition of part of his delightful villa of Mergillina, in decorating which he had taken peculiar delight...."  [382].






            [footnote (not referenced above)] 'The briefs with which Sannazarius was honoured by Leo X. and Clement VII. may also be found prefixed to the edition of this poem, published by Aldus in 8vo. 1528.  The sincerity of that deference and respect which the poet professes for the holy see is as problematical as his religion.  On consulting such editions of his [sannazarius] poetical works as have not been curtailed, we find several of the supreme pontiffs made the subject of his severest sarcasm.  It were difficult to say what offence could justify Sannazarius for the following flippant invective, against the family, assumed name, and personal peculiarities of Leo X. who had honoured his poem with the flattering notice before-mentioned.





SUMERE maternis titulos cum posset ab Ursis,

            Caeculus hic noster, maluit esse Leo.

Quid tibi cum magno commune est, Talpa!  Leone?

            Non cadit in turpes nobilis ira feras.

Ipse licet cupias animos simulare Leonis,

            Non Lupus hoc genitor—non sinit Ursa parens.

Ergo aliud tibi prorsus habendum est Caecule, nomen,

            Nam cuncta ut possis, non potes esse Leo.

(Epigr. Lib. ii. Ep. lvii.)



The following is still more severe.




Sacra sub extremâ si forte requiritis horâ

            Cur Leo non potuit sumere,—vendiderat.'  [384-385].



[part of a footnote (see 218) (not referenced above)] 'The epigram of Sannazarius (Ep. Lib. i. ep. 43.)








Dum caput Aufidio tractat chirugus, et ipsum

            Altiùs exquirit, quò videat cerebrum,

Ingemit Aufidius, quìd me, chirurge, fatigas?       

            Cum subii rixam non habui cerebrum.


Is evidently the original of the following which occurs in the volume entitled "Elegant Extracts," in verse.


            A HUMOROUS fellow in a tavern late,

            Being drunk and valiant gets a broken pate;

            The surgeon with his instruments and skill,

            Searches the skull deeper and deeper still:

            To feel his brains and try if they were sound:

            And as he keeps ado about the wound,

            The fellow cries, good surgeon spare your pains,

            When I began this brawl I had no brains.


            Probably other unacknowledged obligations of the moderns to these authors heretofore little known, might occur to an attentive reader. '  [387-388].



            'Several of The epigrams of Sannazarius are of the most caustic kind, particularly those which have relation to the vices oR frailties of the successors of St. Peter [POPES]. 


In that however which is addressed to their historian Platina, there is a happy playfulness which may justify the insertion of it.




Ingenia et mores, vitasque obitusque notâsse

            Pontificum, argutae lex fuit historiae:

Tu tamen hinc lautae tractas pulmenta culinae:

            Hoc, Platina!  est ipos pascere Pontifices.



Each Pontiff's talents, morals, life and end,

To scan severe, your earlier labours tend— 

When late—on culinary themes you shine,

Even pamper'd Pontiffs praise the kind design.'  [391-393].






            'The tomb of Sannazarius [1458 – 1530] continues to be an interesting object of curiosity even to travelers of modern times.  Mabillon and Germain, two learned Benedictines of the seventeenth century, make mention of it to the following purport.  This exquisite piece of sculpture is to be seen at Posilipo in the villa Mergillina, which Sannazarius in his life time converted into a church, and dedicated to the virgin mother and S. Nazaro.  Behind the high altar rises the mausoleum of the poet formed of Parian marble, with a half-length likeness of him on the top, crowned with a wreath of laurel.  Beneath stand on the right and left two marble statues of Minerva and Apollo, while Satyrs are seen sporting in the middle.  Posterity ashamed perhaps, as well they might, of such a profanation even of the holy altar, fondly imagined they could throw a veil over it by inscribing the base of Apollo's statue with the name of David, and Minerva's with that of Judith, but (add the good fathers,) "his coloribus non luditur Deus."  On the lower part appears the well known epitaph by Bembus:



            SINCERUS.  MUSA.  PROXIMUS.  UT.  TUMULO.'  [394].





BEMBUS [1470 – 1547]






Among the Italians who cultivated polite literature, and the muses, about the end of the fifteenth, and the commencement of the sixteenth centuries, PIETRO BEMBO holds a conspicuous place.  He was born at Venice, A.D. 1470.  His family was one of the most ancient and honourable of the republic, and among those in whom the patrician or senatorial dignity was hereditary.'  [405].



            'In consequence of the decease of Julius II. Giovanni de' Medici, who afterwards assumed the name of Leo X. was elected to the vacant dignity, March 5 or 11, 1513.  Leo, soon after his elevation to the pontificate, influenced by the reputation of Bembo's talents and erudition, appointed him one of his secretaries.  He settled at Rome in this character at the age of forty-three; and






had for his colleague in office Giacomo Sadoleto (m) with whom he had already formed a friendship at Ferrara.  By these learned men the pope's correspondence was carried on in pure and classical Latin; a thing hitherto unusual, says Casa [Casa's Life of Bembo (this source, 410)], and perhaps deemed impracticable.  Bembus soon rendered himself of great importance to Leo X. who convinced of his uncommon abilities employed him in commissions of the highest trust.  He admitted him to his intimate confidence, and enriched him by his liberality.  "Riconnobbe," (says Beccatelli) "Papa Leone li suoi meriti accrescendoli la entrata di beni ecclesiastici sino a tre millia fiorini d' oro."


            This pontiff [Leo X], who was the second son of Lorenzo de' Medici, was created a cardinal by Innocent VIII. when very young [13].  Leo was the pupil of Politian. (n)  He is allowed to have participated in the munificence and attachment to literature, for which the family of the Medici was eminently distinguished; and with a taste exquisitely refined, united the greatest splendour and magnificence.  But he was excessively addicted to pleasurable and luxurious gratifications; and the court of Rome naturally falling in with the habits of its chief, is represented during his pontificate, as the seat of voluptuousness.


            It is at this time that the moral conduct of Bembo appears to have been most exceptionable; the deterioration of which some attribute to the contagious air of this dissolute city. (o)  He formed a connection with a beautiful female, who was considered at once in the character of his mistress and his muse; and three sons (p) and a daughter were the fruits of this amour.


            Upon this part of Bembo's conduct, Casa [Giovanni della Casa 1503 – 1556, Vita di Pietro Bembo, year?] enters with manifest reluctance.  He endeavours to transfer the culpability from his friend to the indecorous laxity of manners common to the times; and adds as an additional palliative, that he was as yet "nullis sacris initiatus:"  not in holy orders.  In the biographers of  Bembo we plainly discern the partiality of friends; but by some of the earlier reformed writers he [BEMBO] is censured with a severity that seems founded rather in prejudice than in truth.


            Several circumstances are recorded by the latter [Casa], which reflect much on Bembo's character, and that of Leo X. his master. (q) [see footnote, 223]  While Leo, if these accounts are entitled to implicit credit, derived means for the support of his excesses and debaucheries by the open sale of indulgences, [pause]


to the great disgrace of the Romish church,

they  united in ridiculing the christian religion in their moments of festivity, as a lucrative fable. 






By the same persons Bembo is charged with carrying his affected imitation of the style of Cicero to so ridiculous an extreme, as professedly to avoid the perusal of his bible and breviary, for fear of spoiling his latinity. (r) 


            As to pope Leo X. (s) whatever might be his errors or vices, it must be acknowledged that learning and the arts found in him a distinguished friend.  In the age of Leo X. that of Augustus seemed to revive.  He surpassed in munificence all the Roman pontiffs that had preceded him. 


To be a liberal patron of the sciences was his [Leo's] highest ambition; and in this respect he zealously followed the example of Lorenzo his father [see 94].  He invited to his court from all parts those who were remarkable for their literary attainments, or skill in  any art.  Nor did he suffer persons whose talents were not of the first order to remain destitute of encouragement; such was the pleasure he took in rewarding even a desire to excel.  His occasional sale of offices, honours, dignities and the like, was the consequence of pecuniary embarrassments arising from his profuse liberality, the public buildings which he erected or beautified; and lastly, the wars in which policy sometimes prompted him to engage.

            The letters which Bembus wrote in the Latin language in the name of Leo X. may be found arranged in twelve books, and published with the rest of his epistles.  Among other commissions of importance in which he was engaged, he undertook at the pope's instance an embassy to Venice, for the purpose of detaching his countrymen from their alliance with the king of France, and engaging them to take a part in the coalition formed against that monarch by the emperor, the king of Spain, and the Roman pontiff.  While he resided at Rome, he had a peculiar [meaning?] opportunity of indulging his taste for antiquities:  and he [Bembo] is ranked among the most scientific collectors of statues, medals, and other ancient and classical remains. (t)  Besides other literary curiosities that enriched his museum, particular mention is made of two beautiful and finely ornamented manuscripts of Virgil and Terence, which were supposed to have survived the ravages of time upwards of a thousand years; and of an autograph of the Italian poems of Petrarch, by which Aldus corrected the edition of them published by him in 1501.  That printer, who lay under various other literary obligations to Bembus, in his preface to the edition of Pindar, published anno 1513, terms him "Decus eruditorum aetatis nostrae, et magnae spes altera Romae." 


            The celebrated Erasmus who was for time the guest of Aldus at Venice, and a sharer in his literary labours, has afforded the admirers of typographical antiquities some curious information respecting the ANCHOR and DOLPHIN, the well-known symbol of imprese of that eminent printer.  Aldus himself shewed him a silver medal of Titus Vespasian bearing evident marks of






age and authenticity:  on the obverse of which was the head of Titus, with the usual legend:  on the reverse an anchor encompassed by a dolphin.  This medal was, he adds, presented to Aldus by Bembus:  "a Petro Bembo, Patritio Veneto, juvene cum inter primos erudito, tum omnis literariae antiquitatis diligentissimo pervestigatore." 


The anchor and dolphin, like the hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, and of others of the ancients (who deemed it impious to reveal to the profane vulgar the profound maxims of wisdom, by expressing them in the written characters then in general use) involve an important enigmatical signification.  They imply that which is known by the testimony of ancient historians, to have been a favourite maxim of the Emperor Augustus, and afterwards of Titus,...[two Greek words].  Erasmus has shewn at large, from the works of Oppian and Pliny, that the ancients believed the impetus and velocity of the dolphin's motion to surpass that of any other creature, either of the aquatic or winged tribe.  The poet attributes to his movements the swiftness of the arrow, and the impetuosity of the tempest.  The anchor on the other hand, destined to restrain the too rapid course of the vessel, and enable it to resist the force of the gale, is an appropriate emblem of salutary tardiness and caution.  Thus, proceeds Erasmus, this significant sentence...[two Greek words], is plainly derived from the secret and abstruse philosophy of remotest ages, whence it was selected by two of the most justly celebrated Roman emperors, to serve as a proverbial maxim to the one, and to constitute the implied subject of the other's emblematical device; nor could any other adage have more exactly quadrated with the respective genius and temper of each.  It hath now devolved upon ALDUS MANUTIUS ROMANUS as its third heir: 


            "Haud equidem sine mente reor, sine numine divum."


            As indisposition of a tedious and obstinate nature, the effect of late watching [this phrase?], close application, and the fatigues of office, rendering some respite and a change of situation absolutely necessary, with the advice of his physicians, seconded by the instances of Leo, Bembus retired to Padua for the sake of its air and baths.  The death of the pontiff, (w) [see footnote 223] which happened during his absence, prevented his return to Rome.  He therefore chose to continue his residence at Padua, in the tranquil enjoyment of the "otium cum dignitate;" and there divided his time between his literary labours and the conversation of learned men.  His hours, we are told, were sometimes agreeably diversified by the delights of an extensive garden; where he amused and recreated himself with botanical researches; usually spending the summer season at Villabozza, in the vicinity of Padua, his paternal inheritance, and the scene of a great part of his juvenile studies.'  [417-435].






            [footnote (see 220)] '(q) The following is the bold language of an old Spanish writer [Cipriano de Valera 1532? – 1625] with regard to Leo X.


            "Fue un hombre atheista, que ni pensó aver cielo, ni infierno despues desta vida:  y assi se murio sin recebir los sacramentos.  Sanazaro dize que no los pudo recebir porque los avia vendido."  (See the epigram of Sannazarius here alluded to, page 385 of this work.)  "Veese tambien claramente su atheismo por la respuesta que dio al Cardenal Bembo, que le avia alegado cierto passo del Evangelio:  al qual dissolutamente respondio Leon estas palabras: 


"Todo el mundo sabe quanto provecho aya traydo á NOSOTROS, Y á nEustra compānia aquella fabula de Christo,


&c."  [my (LS) guess:  the above, is from John Bale, 1558 and/or 1574 (see 164-168)]


Dos Tradatos:  el prima es del Papa y de su autoridad:  & el Segundo es de la Missa. 2d. ed. 8vo. 1599. the preface to which is dated 1588, and subscribed C.D.V. i.e. Cipriano de Valera.  This singular production is numbered by bibliographers amongst works of very rare occurrence.  (Vive Diction. Bibliographique, vol. iii. p. 136.)  An English translation of the "Dos Tratados [Tradatos]," was published at London, A.D. 1600, in 4to.  It is inscribed by the translator, John Golburne, to Sir Thomas Egerton, Knight, Lord keeper of the great seal of England, &c. &c.'  [420-421].



[footnote] '(w) [see 222] Leo died in December, 1521, in his forty-fifth [forty-third] year, as it is supposed, by poison:  "Non sine veneni suspicione rebus humanis excessit."  (Onuphrius in vit. ejus.)'  [435].



            [part of a footnote (not referenced above)] "....Leo was particularly attentive to the regular administration of justice.  He adopted wise and spirited measures to prevent the effects of those private feuds and family animosities, which often involved the unoffending in their baneful consequences:  and the assurance of personal security was scarcely a less powerful consideration than the certainty of pecuniary advantage to induce strangers to settle at Rome.  On a general census held under his pontificate, the population of Rome amounted to 85000 persons.  But a very short period made a surprising change in this particular.  At the time P. Jovius composed his life of Leo X. he asserts that the number was by a recent census, found to be already reduced to 32000.






            The praise of munificence was that to which Leo most aspired.  It was a maxim with him that those deserve not to be exalted to the rank of sovereigns who are unwilling to dispense the gifts of fortune with a liberal hand.  Strangers and citizens indiscriminately shared his bounty:  —the indifferent artist, the half-learned scholar, and the brainsick bard.  Those who came to gaze at the splendour of his appearance in public, were frequently known to experience his unexpected generosity, when their mien or attire betrayed indigence; and he is said daily to have replenished with gold a particular purse which was appropriated to these casual acts of benevolence.


            While Leo with equal magnificence and profusion thus supported the character of a sovereign prince, he was too prone to forget the gravity of the pontiff.  He delighted in exposing to public ridicule those characteristic infirmities of some of his courtiers, which his own penetration easily discovered.  For such a purpose he appointed his secretary Tarrasconi director of his concerts, an office for which he was totally unfit, while he had the vanity to think himself eminently qualified for it; deferred in every question that respected music to his judgment, and suffered the wrists of his musicians to be bandaged on Tarrasconi's foolish suggestion, that they would thus touch their instruments with an additional elasticity, highly favourable to the general effect.  He flattered Baraballi, an unfortunate old man of an honourable family of Gaieta, in the illusive fancy, that he was not only the first of poets, but absolutely another Petrarch.  He encouraged him to aspire to the honour of a public coronation and triumph, in imitation of that bard.  And at length, on an appointed day, amidst an immense concourse of spectators, among whom was Jovius, he caused the deluded poet, whose long white beard, and portly but venerable form gave an interest to his appearance, to be mounted on an elephant [see 134] and conducted towards the capitol, attended with all the pomp, and decorated with the insignia of an ancient triumph; himself alone among so many thousands, unconscious of the ridiculousness of his own situation.  The elephant terrified with the sound of musical instruments, and the glare of his own magnificent trappings, could not, we are told, be conducted beyond the bridge of Hadrian; and Varillas informs us, the indignant brute [elephant] manifested his resentment in a way that had nearly proved fatal to the poet and many of his attendants.  The particulars of this adventure were afterwards expressed in carved work, on the doors of one of the apartments of the papal palace.






But there were venial aberrations from decorum in comparison with those excesses which Leo's example sanctioned, or at which his indifference connived.  The few who amidst this more than syren fascination, still retained any sense of decency, were constrained to blush on beholding ecclesiastics mingling without reserve, in every species of pleasurable dissipation.  The younger cardinals especially, many of whom were junior branches of royal or illustrious houses, exulted in the free participation of indulgences to which the most sacred characters were no restraint.  Rome frequently saw her court, with a multitude of attendants and an immense apparatus, accompany the supreme pontiff to partake of the sports of the field.  Under the direction of the ingenious cardinal Bibiena [Cardinal Bibbiena 1470 – 1520], whose versatile talents appeared to equal advantage on serious, festive, or ludicrous occasions, the spacious apartments of the Vatican were metamorphosed into theatres.  The pontifical tables teemed with luxurious viands that realized the refinements of Apicius; and particular seasons afforded a sanction to the freedoms and buffooneries of the ancient Saturnalia.  Jovius acknowledges that Hadrian, a man of frugal character, could not examine without shuddering, the particulars of those enormous disbursements which marked the domestic establishment of his predecessor…."  [424-426].


_____     _____     _____






from:  Epigrams, Ancient and Modern:  Humorous, Witty, Satirical, Moral, and Panegyrical.  Edited by Rev. John Booth, B.A., Cambridge.  Second Thousand.  London:  Longmans, Green, and Co.  1865.







On Caesar Borgia's adopting for his Motto,

'Aut Caesar aut nihil.'


Borgia Caesar erat, factis et nomine Caesar;

Aut nihil, aut Caesar, dixit:  utrumque fuit.


Or,                               Borgia was Caesar both in deeds and name:

'Caesar or nought,' he said:  he both became."  [148].





On Pope Alexander VI.


Nomen Alexandri ne to fortasse moretur,

Hospes, abi!  Jacet hic et scelus et vitium.


Lest Alexander's name your eye detain,

Stranger, pass on!  Here's nought but sin and stain.


Q.R. [Quarterly Reviewer]




On Leo's X.'s Sale of Indulgences.


Sacra sub extremâ si forte requiritis horâ

Cur Leo non poterat sumere, vendiderat.


Thus freely rendered:—


Leo lack'd the last sacrament.  Why, need we tell?

He had chosen the chalice and paten to sell.(73)'  [150].






"Notes."  ["iii"]


'(73) The French have translated this biting epigram thus:


                        Leo sans sacramens expire:

                        Comment les avait-il reçus?

                        Avant sa mort le maitre sire

                        Dès long-temps les avait vendus.'  [xvii].


_____     _____     _____






from:  The Epigrammatists:  A Selection from The Epigrammatic Literature of Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern Times.  With Notes, Observations, Illustrations, and an Introduction.  By The Rev. Henry Philip Dodd, M.A., of Pembroke College, Oxford.  Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged.  London:  George Bell and Sons, York Street, Covent Garden.  1876 (1870).




































































No form of poetic composition is more universally popular than the epigram.  The orator uses it in the Legislature to point his satire; the conversationalist at the diunertable [sic] to display his wit; and the correspondent in his Letters to enliven his subject.  Short, it is easily retained in the memory; pithy, it contains in the compass of a few lines the sum of an argument; and the result of experience, it often expresses the wisdom of ages.  Changed much in its character, it has yet retained its essentials, and, though shorn of its elegant simplicity, it has gained in the breadth of its application.


            So ancient is the epigram, that its earliest use must be sought in the uncertain traditions of an age, the literature of which has descended but in fragments.  So varied has been its form, that at one time largely employed for monumental inscriptions to honour the dead, at another it has been commonly used for satire to vilify the living."  ["xiii"].



            'According to its etymology, the epigram is a writing on—an inscription.  The word was first appropriated by the Greeks to certain short sentences attached to offerings in the temples.  It was afterwards more generally used for all inscriptions on religious and other public edifices; and was in time employed to express any record, whether in prose or verse, which was engraved on statues of gods and men, and on the wayside tombs of the dead.  It was invariably short, because being cut in brass or marble, a long inscription would have been, not only inappropriate, but inconvenient.  A fine example of a short and noble epigram on the tomb of Plato, by Speusippus, may be cited (Jacobs I. 109, translated by Merivale):


                        Plato's dead form this earthly shroud invests:

                        His soul among the godlike heroes rests.


            In process of time the brevity of the epigram recommended it for other purposes than mere superscriptions.  Striking events in contemporary history, the noble deeds of illustrious patriots, and the important decisions of wise lawgivers, were embodied in a few terse lines, which were readily fixed in the memory of he people.  Nor was this all.  Love breathed forth its tender and impassioned sentiments in short thrilling verse, and spoke in the epigram of the ancients as in the love-sonnet of the moderns.  Thus every subject which kindles the heart of man,—devotion, affection, patriotism, chivalry, love, wine,—found its expression in the epigram; and the word [epigram], which was originally confined to an inscription, became the term for every short poem which expressed one definite idea.'  [xiv].






            'Unfortunately the noblest and purest epigrams of the Greek writers exercised very little influence on the  Roman Epigrammatists.  Refined simplicity was unsuited to the court of the Caesars.  Flattery and satire were necessary to the satiated palates of the emperors, who set the fashion to their subjects, and thus caused a change to be wrought in the character of the ancient epigram.  Many pieces of great beauty are found in the Latin Anthology, but few of these are original; they are translations from the Greek.  Of the smaller number of Latin Epigrammatists of any note Martial is the chief.  So great an effect have his writings had on modern authors, that it is of importance to examine the character of his epigrams, and the cause and result of his influence.


            Martial [c. 40 – c. 104 C.E.] wrote for bread, and he consequently formed his style in accordance with the tastes of those, whose patronage was in a pecuniary sense the most valuable.  Flattery of the Emperor Domitian and of the wealthy men of Rome, satirical abuse of those who were out of favour at court, and indecent pandering to the vile lusts of an unchaste people, form the staple of his writings.  There are left "about a fifth part only," remarks the "Quarterly Review" (No. 233), "out of some sixteen hundred epigrams unobjectionable on the score of vice and immorality."  This may be a slight exaggeration, but, even when not immoral, many are nauseating descriptions of Aelia's teeth, Naevia's cough, or Nestor's breath.  Avoiding grosser examples, the following will serve to show the character of a large number of the epigrams with which Martial pleased his patrons and amused the Roman people....'  [xviii-xix].



"if epigrammatic literature should rise again from its low estate, and take once more its place in the high ranks of poetry, we may expect that it will again exercise a legitimate power, and stir the public sentiment.  The purer its character, the holier will be its influence; the nobler its sentiments, the more beneficial will be its results.  Should domestic troubles come, it will inspire loyal and patriotic aspirations.  Should war be sent to scourge us, it will incite to valour."  [xl] [end of Introduction].





            Born in 1458, was a Neapolitan, who, being patronized by King Frederick, for his poetry and scholarship, followed his fortunes, and retired with him into France when he was dethroned.  On the king's death he returned to Naples, and passed the remainder of his life in the cultivation of poetry,






dying in 1530.  He is chiefly celebrated for his Latin verse, which, in purity and elegance, is considered scarcely inferior to that of the Augustan age.


ON POPE LEO X.  ("Delitiae Delitiarum," 109).


Translated in the "Quarterly Review," No. 233.


            Leo lack'd the last Sacrament.  "Why," need we tell?

            He had chosen the chalice and paten to sell.


            This, though very spirited, scarcely gives the full force of the satire in the original:


                        Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis, horâ

                        Cur Leo non poterat sumere; vendiderat.


            The mere material adjuncts of he Sacrament could easily have been replaced; but Leo had done far worse than selling these.  By the sale of Indulgences, which he carried to an inordinate extent, that he might replenish his exchequer, exhausted by his profusion, he had made merchandise of the forgiveness of sins, and, like another Judas, had sold, though not the Person, yet the Power, of Christ.  The Latin "sacra" implies more than the externals of the Sacrament—rather the hidden mysteries—the Presence of the Christ.  Pope Alexander VI. had been held up to scorn for the same impiety in a pasquinade of bitter severity, alluding to his simony, the first two lines of which are thus translated in Disraeli's "Curiosities of Literature," 1st Series, Art. "Pasquin and Marforio":


                        Alexander sells the Keys, the Altars and Christ;

                        As he bought them first, he had a right to sell them.


            And Buchanan [George Buchanan 1506 – 1582, "Scottish historian and humanist scholar."  (] has an epigram of similar character in "Fratres Fraterrimi," on Pope Paul [apparently, Pope Paul II, Pope 1464 – 1471 (1417 – 1471)], thus translated by Robert Monteith:


                        Pope Paul and Judas they agree full well;

                        That, Heav'n; this, Heav'n's Lord did basely sell.








ON AUFIDIUS ("Delitiae Delitiarum," 110).


                        Translated in "Collection of Epigrams," 1735.


                        A hum'rous fellow in a tavern late,

                        Being drunk and valiant, gets a broken pate;

                        The surgeon with his instruments and skill,

                        Searches his skull, deeper and deeper still,

                        To feel his brains, and try if they were sound;

                        And, as he keeps ado about the wound,

                        The fellow cries—Good surgeon, spare your pains,

                        When I began this brawl I had no brains.


            This translation is not very literal, but gives admirably the humour of the original.'  [105-106].








Translated by Greswell [see 214].


[Sannazaro] Each pontiff's talents, morals, life, and end,

                        To scan severe, your earlier labours tend—

                        When late—on culinary themes you shine,

                        Even pamper'd pontiffs praise the kind design.


            This hit at the popes is very fair; but Sannazarius mistakes [?] the order of Platina's works, the treatise "De Honestâ" having been written much earlier than the "History of the Popes."'  [108].


_____     _____     _____






from (online (via a local University)):  JSTOR:  Print Article from American Journal of Philology:  Vol. 36, No. 2:  Reviews and Book Notices, The Piscatory Eclogues of Jacopo Sannazaro.  Wilfred P. Mustard [1864 – 1932].  Review author[s]:  E.K. Rand [Harvard University].  The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 36, No. 2. (1915), pp. 203-207.





The Piscatory Ecologues of Jacopo Sannazaro [1458 – 1530].  Edited with Introduction and Notes by WILFRED P. MUSTARD.  Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1914.  $1.00.


            Sannazaro has waited until now for an edition of his Latin eclogues with English notes and introduction.  His work could have fallen into no more competent hands than those of Professor Mustard, well fitted for the task by his editing of Mantuan (1911) and his wide reading in the Neo-Latin and vernacular literatures of the Renaissance and in the ancient pastoral.


            The text is based on that of the first edition of Sannazaro's Latin poems, printed at Naples during the author's lifetime in 1526.  According to the colophon, the publisher reproduced "fideliter omnia ex archetypis Actii Synceri ipsius manuscriptis."  This edition was copied the same year in Rome, Clement VII adding a prohibition against republishing the "divine poems" within the next two years.  That could not[?] affect Venice, where the first Aldine edition appeared in 1527, a second in 1533, and a third in 1535.  It seems safe to assume that Sannazaro, who died in 1530, had not altered the text much, if at all, after the editio princeps [(Latin) first edition] in 1526.  The latter is the basis of the present edition at any rate, Professor Mustard securing from the British Museum a rotograph [photograph process] reproduction of this rare book....'


_____     _____     _____






from:  Jacopo Sannazaro, Con Appendici di Documenti e Testi Inediti, Studi e Testi Umanistici Pubblicati Da A. Altamura  Serie 1a:  Studi di storia letteraria  Vol. 10, Napoli, Casa Editrice Dr. Silvio Viti, Via S. Anna dei Lombardi, 51, 1951.


"Paperback", low quality (discolored) paper (reminiscent of World War II publications).



[some dates, for some epigrams of Sannazaro (quotation marks omitted)]


1510               Epigr. II 45:  per la morte di Giovanni Cotta († Viterbo, estate 1510).


1510  c.          Epigr. III 7:  in onore di Porzia e Isabella Brancia:  la loro madre Eleonora vi è data ancora per giovane e piacente.


1514  c.          Mai, pp. 505-6:  dà per vivi il Cariteo e Rutilio Zenone.


1516               Eleg. 1 7:  quando Leone X, con un breve dell' 11 agosto concesse speciali indulgenze a favore di chi recitasse preghiere sulla tomba di Giacomo della Marca, beatificato poi nel 1624.


1518               Epigr. II 57:  contro Leone X, quando concesse il breve al Castriota (10 aprile). 


1518               Epigr. III 8:  contro Leone X (ma già composto contro Alessandro VI, e quindi 1501-3; poi adattato a papa Leone). 


                        [Comment (LS):  "Epigr. III 8", is the commonly encountered:  "Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat."  [see 239-242]


Very interesting!  Used against Alexander VI, then, "recycled", and used against Leo X]


1518  c.          Epigr. III 2:  per la Marchese, dopo che al Castriota fu concesso il predetto breve papale.


1520  sgg.      Eleg. III 2:  il poeta si dice già vecchio al vs. III:  almeno aveva dovuto superare i sessant' anni.


1522               Epig. II 68:  quando Francesco Ferdinando d' Avalos conquistò Genova.






1522-23            Epigr. III 4:  contro Adriano VI.


1523  c.          Epigr. II 24:  contro Bartolomeo Ricci, precettore di Ercole II d' Este.

1525  (?)        Epigr. II 17:  descrive fuochi artificiali notturni a Roma.  Sono quegli stessi descritti da A. di Costanzo (ed. delle Odi ed epigrammi latini, a cura di A. Altamura, Napoli, 1950, c. III, p. 18)?


1526  (?)        Epigr. II 38:  per Andrea Matteo Acquaviva (quando questi curò la stampa per l' edizione del De partu Virginis?)." 


[175] [end of text ("Indice Dei Nomi", follows)].



[my semester of Italian, U.C. Berkeley, 1956?  Near zero help].


_____     _____     _____






from:  Opere di Iacopo Sannazaro [1458 – 1530], Con saggi dell' Hypnerotomachia Poliphili di Francesco Colonna, e del Peregrino di Iacopo Caviceo, a cura di Enrico Carrara, Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese, 1967 (1952).


            "Ne fanno testimonianza i tre libri di Epigrammi vari di intonazione e di sentimenti:  a volta gentili, nostalgici eleganti; a volta pungenti e fieri.  Se ne ha uno studio di A. [ANTONIO?] ARATA, De Iacobo Sannazaro epigrammatum scriptore quaedam, Milano, 1914.  Cfr. B. CROCE « Critica », XXX, 1932, p. 332."  [42].


"LETTERE" ["Jacopo Sannazaro"] ["241"]





Al magnifico messer Pietro Bembo.


            Molto magnifico e virtuoso Signore, per la lettera di messer Pietro Iacopo4 sono stato avvisato della opera laudabile di Vostra Signoria fatta in nostro beneficio con la Santità di Nostro Signore e del santo effetto risultato da quella in far chiara la verità, e ricordare nostra giustizia a Sua Beatitudine.  Alla quale forse da persone che pensano più all'utile che all'onesto per dilatare la lite, era stata altrimente esposta.  Benedetta sia la integerrima constanzia e constatissima integrità del Santo Leone5, appresso del quale valse6....




3.  Ringrazia Pietro Bembo dell'aiuto che gli ha porto presso la Curia

     papale, ove fu autorevole per eleganza di vita e di cultura sino al 1521.

4.  Pietro Jacopo:  nipote ex fratre del Sannazaro.

5.  Nostro Signore:  Leone X.

6.  valse:  sottintendi « più ».


una semplice parola d'un fedel servitore, che tutte le vituperose promesse ed offerte de' nostri avversari.  Il dilatar della causa, signor messer Pietro mio, dimostra la giustizia che loro si sentono avere e cercano (siccome dal principio scrissi) stancarci e ributtarci, perchè possono migliore1 spendere di noi; ed in questo mezzo avere spazio di insidiare, o con tossico o con altre vie alla vita di questa povera ed infelice Signora2, al che sommamente attendono.  Questa lampa cercano di accendere avanti a Dio.  Lo dico con dolore, chè son Cristiano






e mi pesa che si dia cagione a Cristo di castigarci.  Mille o cento milia ducati hanno3 da muovere uno animo allevato tra tutte le ricchezze del mondo4 e posto in tanta sublimità, che tutti gli occhi lo mirano, nè può fuggire d'esser visto?  Papa Alessandro5 non volse consentire a tanta bruttezza, et ebbe alter botte da persona che non curava dare l'anima al diavolo per favorire li medesimi.  Questo aureo Pontificato certo non deve per causa di auro imbruttarsi; e poichè il Pontefice è buono, ragion vuole che li ministri ancora sian buoni.  Piacemi scrivere a persona letteratissima e di tanto ingegno; non vo' con insinuazioni rettoriche; dico la purra verità, la quale da se stessa, senza commendazione d'altri, si fa conoscere.


            Restami in ultimo di pregare Vostra Signoria di questa grazia, che se ella vedesse che per questi maladetti denari, le cose nostre non fossero per andar bene, e che 'l mondo o la volontà di quelli, che hanno da ministrar la giustizia—dico Giudici, Procuratori, o xxxx 6 possenti prevalessero in quella corte, che da adesso, per sua umanità, e per quella fede ch'io ho in lei, voglia destramente7, secondo il saldo parere suo avvisarmene, che 'l riceverò in singolarissimo,




            1.  migliore:  più, meglio.

            2.  infelice Signora:  Cassandra Marchese.

            3.  hanno da:  possono, debbono.

            4.  tutte le ricchezze:  allude alle ingenti ricchezze dei Medici.

            5.  Papa Alessandro:  il papa Borgia non fu un esemplare di virtù, ma

     non cadde almeno nel vizio di venalità.

            6.  sembra alludere ai potenti della Curia (ai Cardinali?).

            7.  destramente:  abilmente.


supremo beneficio.  E di questo quanto più posso torno a supplicarla mille e mille volte, raccomandandomi altrettante alla Sua virtù, la qual Dio guardi da ogni avverso.


            Vale.  Neapoli, 30 Ianuari 1518."  [242-244].


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from:  Poeti Latini del Quattrocento [fifteenth century], A Cura Di Francesco Arnaldi, Lucia Gualdo Rosa Liliana Monti Sabia, Riccardo Ricciardi   Editore, Milano Napoli, "1964".



"IACOPO SANNAZZARO" [pages "1099"-1207]












Classe virisque potens domitoque Oriente superbus,

            barbarus in Latias dux quatit arma domos.

In Vaticano noster latet; hunc tamen alto,

            Christe, vides caelo (pro dolor!) et pateris?







Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora

            cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat. 



[Italian translation, of the above]    LIBRO III






Ponte per la sua flotta e per I suoi uomini, superbo per le sue vittorie in Oriente, un barbaro condottiero muove le sue armi contro le città latine.  Il nostro si nasconde nel Vaticano:  tu, o Cristo, lo vedi dall'alto del cielo – o dolore! – e lo sopporti?










Volete sapere perché Leone non poté ricevere i Sacramenti in punto di morte?  Li aveva venduti.'  [1168-1169].


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Note:  the following repeated epigram, attributed to Sannazaro (my guess:  it could have been a pasquinade, credited to Sannazaro), was observed (with zero results) for possible association with:


"What profit has not that fable of Christ brought us!".



   1.      "Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora


            Cur Leo non potuit sumere; vendiderat." 


["If perchance you ask why Leo could not receive the sacraments in his final hour—it is because he had sold them."]


[Roscoe quoting Sannazaro (see 90)].



   2.      "De hoc Leone Actius Sannazarius sic scribit: 


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non poterat sumere [my later correction:  "sumere?"], Vendiderat." 


[translation] Sannazarius writes about this Leo in the following way:  'If perchance you ask why Leo could not receive the sacraments in his final hour—it is because he had sold them.'  [John Bale, Acta Romanorum Pontificum, 1558 (see 167)].



3.     Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non poterat sumere?  Vendiderat.  [John Bale, The Pageant of Popes, 1574, quoting "Sannazarius" (see 164)]. 






   4.      'Cestui là faisant ce que la raison lui conseilloit, cestui ci n'avoir autre conseil que son plaisir.  Et Sanazare [SANNAZARO 1456 – 1530] rendant raison de ce qu'il n'avoit point pris ses sacremens en sa fin.


Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis hora Cur Leo non poterat sumere?  vendiderat.'  [Du Plessis, 1611 (see 186)].



   5.      'And Sanazarus [Jacopo Sannazaro 1458 – 1530] yeelding a reason, why, being at poynt of death, hee [Leo X.] had not receiued the Sacrament, saith,


            Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis, horâ


            Cur Leo non poterat sumere, vendiderat.'  [Du Plessis, English edition, 1612 (see 189)].



   6.                  "IN LEONEM X. PONT. MAX.


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat."  [Sannazarii, 1535 (see 204)].



   7.      I am presently interested in the epigrams with Leo X, as subject.


            One example (I found): 


      "Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora


Cur Leo non potuit sumere; vendiderat."  [Roscoe (see 239) (see 206)].






   8.      "VIII. IN LEONEM X. PONT. MAX. 


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat."  [Sannazarii (see 213)].



   9.      'IN LEONEM X. PONT. MAX.


                  Sacra sub extremâ si forte requiritis horâ

                Cur Leo non potuit sumere,—vendiderat.'  [Greswell (see 217)].



10.                  'On Leo's X.'s Sale of Indulgences.


            Sacra sub extremâ si forte requiritis horâ

            Cur Leo non poterat sumere, vendiderat.'  [Booth (see 226)].



11.                  'Translated in the "Quarterly Review," No. 233.


Leo lack'd the last Sacrament.  "Why," need we tell?

He had chosen the chalice and paten to sell.


This, though very spirited, scarcely gives the full force of the satire in the original:


Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis, horâ

Cur Leo non poterat sumere; vendiderat.'  [Dodd (see 231)].



12.                  [Comment (LS):  "Epigr. III 8", is the commonly encountered: 


"Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat." 


Very interesting! 


Used against Alexander VI, then, "recycled", and used against Leo X] [see 234].






13.                                              'VIII




Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora

cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat.'  [Poeti Latini (see 238)].



14.      "Do you ask why at his last hour Leo could not take the sacred things?  He had sold them."


"Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora

Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  Vendiderat."  ["Atlantic Monthly" (see 256)].



15.      "Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora

Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat "  [Pasquino e la Satira in Roma (see 257)].



16.      "Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora

Cur Leo non potuit sumere, vendiderat"  [Pasquino (see 258)].



17.                              'In cundem. 


[commonly, this epigram is attributed to Sannazaro (epigram III 8)]


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora

Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat.'  [Pasquillorum Tomi duo

(see 264)].


_____     _____     _____






from:  The Major Latin Poems of Jacopo Sannazaro [1458 – 1530], translated into English prose with commentary and selected verse translations by Ralph Nash, Wayne State U., c1996.




"[Epigrams 1.20]





                        Poggio praises Florence all he can.

                        A patriot, true—but no historian.




[Epigrams 1.25]



                        My epigrams show brilliancy, you say?

                        Reason enough:  I wrote them at mid-day.


                        Not all like you (my murky friend) must write,

                        hunched, without candles, in the dead of night.


[reminiscent of Martial (c. 40 – c. 104), who was a significant

influence on Sannazaro]




[Epigrams 1.29]



                        You are a wise man (Fabian), in your eyes:

                        but to me (Fabian), neither man nor wise."  [179].






'[Epigrams 2.12 [2.13, Amsterdam, 1728 (see 212)]]


(cf.1.17 [not presented by the translator])







                        Venus scratched her hand one day,

                        toying with Mars's sword in play.


                        Then Priapus, with a suitable leer:

                        "This weapon fits your hands, my dear."'  [181].




"[Epigrams 2.55 [2.62, Amsterdam, 1728 (see 212)]]




                        Her breath is sweet, her hair is fine:

                        her body's every inch divine.

                        With Aphrodite's charm she vies

                        and like Athena she is wise.


                        All this is true, perhaps:  but still

                        I have my freedom and my will.

                        Earlier on, I burned, I cried:

                        but never say for this I died."  [182-183].


l l l l l






from:  The Oxford English Dictionary, Volume XI, Oxford, 1989.



"Pasquin ('paeskwin), sb. [ult. ad. It. Pasquino, in L. Pasquīnus, F. Pasquin. 


            Pasquino or Pasquillo was the name popularly given to a mutilated statue, or piece of ancient statuary, disinterred at Rome in the year 1501, and set up by Cardinal Caraffa at the corner of his palace near the Piazza Navona.  Under his patronage, it became the annual custom on St. Mark's Day to 'restore' temporarily and dress up this torso to represent some historical or mythological personage of antiquity; on which occasion professors and students of the newly restored Ancient Learning were wont to salute Pasquin in Latin verses which were usually posted or placed on the statue.  In process of time these pasquinate or pasquinades tended to become satirical, and the term began to be applied, not only in Rome, but in other countries, to satirical compositions and lampoons, political, ecclesiastical, or personal, the anonymous authors of which often sheltered themselves under the conventional name of Pasquin.  According to Mazocchi, in the preface to the printed collection of the pasquinate of 1509, the name Pasquino or Pasquillo originated in that of a schoolmaster ('literator seu magister ludi') who lived opposite the spot where the statue was found; a later tradition given by Castelvetro, 1558–9, made Pasquino a caustic tailor or shoemaker; another of 1544 calls him a barber.  See L. Morandi in Nuova Antologia 1889 I. 271, 755, D. Gnoli ibid. 1890 I. 51, 275, Storia di Pasquino.  The latinized form Pasquillus was already a 1544 applied both to the author and the pasquinade, in which extended application it was subseq. followed also by Pasquin.]



            1.  The Roman Pasquino (man or statue), on whom pasquinades were fathered; hence, the imaginary personage to whom anonymous lampoons were conventionally ascribed.


            1566  (title)  Pasquine in a Traunce.  A Christian and learned Dialogue..  Whereunto are added certayne Questions then put forth by Pasquine, to haue beene disputed in the Councell of Trent.  1581  ALLEN  Apol. Eng. Colleges 97 b, Neither the Old Comedie, nor Pasquino, nor any ruffian or Carneuall-youth in Rome.  1592  WOTTON  in Reliq. (1685) 680 The Gabell of Sixtus's time, which Pasquin told him of.  1617  MORYSON  Itin. I. 135 At one end of this market place, in a corner of a street opposite to a publike Pallace, is the statua of Pasquin, vpon a wall of a priuate house.  1670  LASSELS  Voy. Italy II. 229  This Pasquin is an old broken statue..jeering wits set up here, and father upon poore






Messer Pasquino, their Satyrical jeasts, called from him, Pasquinades.   1686  DRYDEN  Addr. Higden 2 The Grecian wits, who Satire first began [see 270, 273, 274], Were pleasant Pasquins on the life of man.  a1797  H. WALPOLE  Mem. Geo. II, I. 283 If Pasquin has seen wittier, he never saw more severe or less delicate lampoons.  1885  Encycl. Brit. XVIII. 341  The 16th century was indeed Pasquin's palmy time, and in not a few of the rare printed collections of his utterances Protestant mingled.

            attrib. 1582  T. WATSON  Centurie of Loue lxxxi, A Pasquine piller erected in the despite of Loue.



            2.  = PASQUINADE, PASQUIL 2. Obs.


            1611  FLORIO, Pasquino, an old statue in Rome on whom all Satires, Pasquins, rayling rimes or libels are fastned and fathered.  1653  A. WILSON  Jas. I 53  On him some unhappy Wit vented this Pasquin.  1692  LUTTRELL  Brief Rel. (1857) II. 371 Wrote from Rome, the French had caused a pasquin to be fixt reflecting on the pope for conniving at the protestant alliance against his eldest son.  a1745  SWIFT  Answ. Sheridan 32 Wks. 1841 I. 761/I  But enough of this poetry Alexandrine; I hope you will not think this a pasquine.


            Hence 'pasquin v. trans. [ = It. pasquinare (Florio); F. pasquiner ], to lampoon, pasquinade.


            1682  DRYDEN & LEE  Duke of Guise Ded., Not..that any Man delights to see himself pasquin'd and affronted by their inveterate Scriblers."  [290].


_____     _____     _____






from: Unabridged





1.  a satire or lampoon, esp. one posted in a public place.

-verb (used with object)


2.  to assail in a pasquinade or pasquinades.


[Origin:  1585–95[?]; Pasquin (< It Pasquino, name given an antique Roman statue unearthed in 1501 that was annually decorated and posted with verses)


-Related forms

pasquinader, noun

pasquinIan, adjective


American Heritage Dictionary





A satire or lampoon, especially one that ridicules a specific person, traditionally written and posted in a public place.


tr.v. pasquinaded, pasquinading, pasquinades

To ridicule with a pasquinade; satirize or lampoon.


[French, from Italian pasquinata, after Pasquino, nickname given to a statue in Rome, Italy, on which lampoons were posted.]


pas'quinad'er  n.


WordNetCite This Source




n : a composition that imitates somebody's style in a humorous way [syn:  parody [error, see 248], lampoon, spoof, sendup, mockery, takeoff, burlesque, travesty, charade, put-on]

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia [see online]



Pasquinade refers to an anonymous lampoon, whether in verse or in prose. 


Pasquin (Italian Pasquino) was the name ordinary Romans gave to a battered ancient statue dug up in the course of paving the Parione district and erected at the corner of Piazza di Pasquino and Palazzo Braschi, on the west side of Piazza Navona in the Piazza Navona in 1501, by Cardinal Oliviero Carafa, who inadvertently gave the statue its first voice, by originating an annual ceremony, the first in 1501, for Saint Mark's Day, 25 April 25.  The marble torso was draped in a toga and epigrams in Latin were attached to it.  The decorous event quickly got out of hand when it became the custom for those who wanted to criticize the Pope or individuals in his government—for a pasquinade is first and foremost a personal attack—to write satirical poems in broad Roman dialect (called "pasquinades" from the Italian "pasquinate") and attach them to this statue.


Thus Pasquino[1] became the first talking statue of Rome.  He spoke out about the people's dissatisfaction, he denounced injustice, and he assaulted misgovernment by members of the Church.  Before long, other statues appeared on the scene, forming a kind of public salon or academy, the "Congress of the Wits" (Congresso degli Arguti), with Pasquino always the leader, and the sculptures that Romans called Marforio, Abate Luigi, il Facchino, Madamma Lucrezia, and Babuino (the "Baboon") as his outspoken colleagues.  At various times, these poems were collected and published and thus became well known all over Europe.


The lampooning tradition was ancient among Romans [see 269-274].  For a first century versified lampoon, see Domus Aurea ["Golden House" of the Emperor Nero; built after the fire in Rome, 64 C.E.].


Pasquinade is sometimes misidentified, appearing among synonyms of parody at WordNet.  Compare also the equally unrelated pastiche....'


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from:   "Useful Tips About Rome"


Note:  a few areas, below, are irregular (translation?).



'Pasquino & Pasquinate:  one of the most interesting curiosities are the "talking statues".  Of course, they do not talk, but speak through short satirical compositions, the "Polizze" or "Pasquinate", written on placards anonymously hung around their necks, or written on the wall at their rear.  The most famous statue is the "Pasquino", in the corner of "Palazzo Braschi" facing the small square of "Pasquino", not far from "Piazza Navona".  Actually, it is a mutilated sculptural cluster of the Hellenistic Age, showing Menelaus sustaining the body of the dying Patroclus, or Aiace sustaining the body of Achilles.  This ancient sculptural cluster was placed in that square (former Piazza Parione) by the order of Cardinal Olivero [Oliviero] Carafa in 1501.  ----  It seems that the custom of hanging satirical written compositions on the Pasquino's statue began when the Cardinal Carafa called an annual ceremony on April 25th 1501, the Saint Mark's Day:  during this ceremony, the statue was dressed like a divinity, and some flattering poetries were placed on its basis; presumably, some Roman gymnasium students attached some Latin satirical sentences on the Pasquino's pedestal.  But the legend says that the first one who put some satirical sentences was a hunchbacked, witty and mocker tailor, may be with the name of Pasquino, who had his workshop in the vicinity.  These "Pasquinate" picked on the more illustrious personages, the authorities, the Holy See and, frequently, the Pope, representing the real voice of the opposition.  In the past centuries, various Popes had the idea of destroying the statue of the "Pasquino", (the Pope Adriano VI ordered to throw it in the Tiber river), but they were convinced by noblemen and writers that these provisions would not have been enough to cease this well ingrained habit.  Often, the authors of the "Pasquinate" were caught in the very act and, sometimes till the 18th Century, they were executed or condemned with serious punishments, such as their properties confiscation or the brand [sic] of their names infamy.  But this habit hold [sic] out today, often in verses against current political people, for sporting rivalry etc.  -----  Other well popular talking statues are: 


--- Abate Luigi, a Roman togated orator statue placed in the left side of the church of Sant' Andrea della Valle in piazza Vidoni.  It seems that the name Luigi derives from an awkward, ugly and witty verger of the near Church of Sudario.


--- Babbuino, a wanderoo fountain in via del Babbuino.  It seems that Babbuino derives from the nickname of an unknown personage who walked or lived in this street.






--- Facchino, a fountain in via Lata.  It seems that the personage represented by this fountain is Abbondio Rizio or Rizzi, a porter well known for his drunkenness, and therefore ridiculed with the semblances of a water carrier.  Also, it seems that this statue has the semblances of Martin Lutero, who lived in Rome in the year 1511.


--- Madama Lucrezia, placed in piazza san Marco, a huge female bust deprived of its arms and nose, and representing the goddess Isis, or Faustina, the wife of Antoninus Pius.  In the past centuries, the statue was disguised like a great dame and considered a patron during the popular holidays in this square.  Also, the folks had to bow in front of this statue; this strange tradition was made to respect by some rascals, dropping a coin tied with a wire, while the hats of the bowed passers-by flew away with some slingshots [this sentence is problematic].


--- Marforio, the effigy of the god Ocean of 1st century B.C., now at Capitoline museum.....and so on.  It seems that its name derives from a person named Nardo Marfoli, who lived in Rome during the 14th century A.D.


In the past centuries, all these talking statues constituted the so called "Congresso degli Arguti" (the quick-witted persons' congress), especially between Pasquino and Marforio.' 


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Online Encyclopedia

Originally appearing in Volume V20, Page 885 of the 1911 Encyclopedia [Encyclopaedia] Britannica.



PASQUINADE, a variety of libel or lampoon, of which it is not easy to give an exact definition, separating it from other kinds.  It should, perhaps, more especially deal with public men and public things.  The distinction, however, has been rarely observed in practice, and the chief interest in the word is its curious and rather legendary origin.  According to the earliest version, given by Mazocchi in 1509, Pasquino was a schoolmaster (others say a cobbler), who had a biting tongue, and lived in the 15th century at Rome.  His name, at the end of that century or the beginning of the next, was transferred to a statue which had been dug up in 1501 in a mutilated condition (some say near his shop) and was set up at the corner of the Piazza Navona, opposite the palace of Cardinal Caraffa.  To this statue it became the custom to affix squibs on the papal government and on prominent persons.  AT the beginning of the 16th century Pasquin had a partner provided for him in the shape of another statue found in the Campus Martins [probably, Campus Martius], said to represent a river god, and dubbed Marforio, a foro Marais.  The regulation form of the pasquinade then became one of dialogue, or rather question and answer, in which Marforio usually addressed leading inquiries to his friend.  The proceeding soon attained a certain European notoriety, and a printed collection of the squibs due to it (they were long written in Latin verse, with an occasional excursion into Greek) appeared in 1509.  In the first book of Pantagruel (1532 or thereabouts) Rabelais introduces books by Pasquillus and Marphurius in the catalogue of the library of St Victor, and later he quotes some utterances of Pasquin's in his letters to the bishop of Maillezais.  These, by the way, show that Pasquin was by no means always satirical, but dealt in grave advice and comment. 


The original Latin pasquinades were collected in 1544, as Pasquillorum tomi duo, edited by Caelius Secundus Curio

[see 263-264].






The vogue of these lampoons now became general, and rose to its height during the pontificate of Sixtus V. (1585–1590).  These utterances were not only called pasquinades (pasquinate) but simply pasquils (pasquillus, pasquillo, pasquille), and this form was sometimes used for the mythical personage himself.  It was used in English for purposes of satire by Sir Thomas Elyot, in his Pasquin the Plain (1540) and by the anonymous author of Pasquin in a Trance (1566); but it was first made popular in England by Thomas Nash, who in 1589 began to sign his violent controversial pamphlets with the pseudonym of Pasquil of  England.  It continues to occur through the course of the Marprelate controversy as the title of the enemy of the Puritans.  These English lampoons were in prose.  The French pasquils (examples of which may be found in Fournier's Varietes historiques et litte'raires) were more usually in verse.  In Italy itself Pasquin is said not to have condescended to the vernacular till the 18th century.  Contemporary comic periodicals, especially in Italy, still occasionally use the Marforio-Pasquino dialogue form.  But this survival is purely artificial and literary, and pasquinade has, as noted above, ceased to have any precise meaning." 


["End of Article:  PASQUINADE"] [see online].


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"The Project Gutenberg Ebook of Atlantic Monthly, Vol., VI., October, 1860.—No. XXXVI., by Various"





'before Luther [1483 – 1546] had made himself feared at Rome, Pasquin was already well known as the satirist of the vices of Pope and Cardinals, and as a bold enemy of the abuses of the Church.


But the history of Pasquin is not a mere story of Roman jests, nor is its interest such alone as may arise from an amusing, though neglected series of literary anecdotes.  In the dearth of material for the popular history of modern Rome, it is of value as affording indications of the turn of feeling and the opinions of the Romans, and of the regard in which they held their rulers.  The free speech, which was prohibited and dangerous to the living subjects of the temporal power of the Popes, was a privilege which, in spite of prohibition, Pasquin insisted upon exercising.  Whatever precautions might be taken, whatever penalties imposed, means were always found, when occasion arose, to affix to the battered marble papers bearing stinging epigrams or satirical verses, which, once read, fastened themselves in the memory, and spread quickly by repetition.  He could not be silenced. 


"Great sums," said he one day, in an epigram addressed to Paul III., who was Pope from 1534 to 1549, "great sums were formerly given to poets for singing:  how much will you give me, O Paul, to be silent?"


            "Ut canerent data multa olim sunt vatibus aera:

            Ut taceam, quantum tu mihi, Paule, dabis?"


In his life of Adrian VI., the successor of Leo X., Paulus Jovius, not indeed the most trustworthy of authorities, tells a story which, if not true, might well be so.  He says, that the Pope, being vexed at the free speech of Pasquin, proposed to have him thrown into the Tiber, thinking thus to stop his tongue; but the Spanish legate dissuaded him, by suggesting, with grave Spanish wisdom, that all the frogs of the river, becoming infected with his spirit, would adopt this style of speech and croak only pasquinades.  The contemptibleness of the assailant made him the more dreaded.  Did not the very reeds tell the fatal secret about King Midas?






Pasquin was by no means the only figure in Rome who gave expression to thoughts and feelings which it would have been dangerous to the living subjects of the ecclesiastical rule to utter aloud.  His most distinguished companion was Marforio, a colossal statue of an ocean or river god, which was discovered in the sixteenth century near the forum of Mars, from which he derived his name.  Toward the end of the same century, he was placed in the lower court of the Palazzo de' Conservatori, on the Capitol, and here he has since remained.  Dialogues were often carried on between him and his friend Pasquin, and a share in their conversation was sometimes taken by the Facchino, or so called Porter of the Palazzo Piombino.  In his "Roma Nova," published in 1660, Sprenger says that Pasquin was assigned to the nobles, Marforio to the citizens, and the Facchino to the common people.  But besides these there were the Abate Luigi of the Palazzo Valle, --Madama Lucrezia, who still sits behind the Venetian palace near the Church of St. Mark,  --the Baboon, from which the Via Babbuino takes its name, --and the marble portrait of Scanderbeg, the great enemy of the Turks, on the _facade_ of the house which he at one time occupied in Rome.  Each of these personages now and then issued an epigram or took part in the satirical talk of his companions.  Such a number of cold and secure censors is not surprising in a city like Rome, where the checks upon open speech are so many, and where priests and spies exercise so close a scrutiny over the thoughts and words of men.  Oppression begets hypocrisy [and, hypocrisy begets oppression], and a tyrant adds to the faults of his subjects the vices of cowardice and secrecy.  Caustic Forsyth, speaking of the Romans, begins with the bitter remark, that "the national character is the most ruined thing at Rome"; and in the same section he adds, "Their humor is naturally caustic; but they lampoon, as they stab, only in the dark.  The danger attending open attacks forces them to confine their satire within epigram; and thus pasquinade is but the offspring of hypocrisy, the only resource of wits who are obliged to be grave on so many absurdities in religion, and respectful to so many upstarts in purple."  Thus if the Romans lampoon only in the dark, the fault is to be charged against their rulers rather than themselves.  The talent for sarcastic epigram is hereditary with the people.  The pointed style of Martial was handed down through successive generations.  The epigram in his hands was no longer a mere inscription, an idyl, or an elegy; it had lost its ancient grace, but it took on a new energy, and it set the model, which the later Romans knew well how to copy, of satire condensed into wit, in lines each of whose words had a sting.


The first true Pasquinades--that is, the first of the epigrams which were affixed to Pasquin, and hence derived their name--are perhaps those which belong to the reign of Leo X.  We at least have found no earlier ones of undoubted genuineness; but satires similar to those of Pasquin, and possibly originating with him, as they now go under the general name of Pasquinades, were






published against the Popes who preceded Leo.  The infamous Alexander VI., the Pope who has made his name synonymous with the worst infamies that disgrace mankind, was not spared the attacks of the subjects whom he and his children, not unworthy of such a father, degraded and abused.  Two lines could say much:--


            "Sextus Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, Sextus et iste:

                        Semper sub Sextis perdita Roma fuit."


[translation] "Sextus Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, this also a Sextus" (Alexander Sextus, that is, Alexander the Sixth):  "always under the Sextuses has Rome been ruined." 


And as if this were not enough, another distich struck with more directness at the vices of the Pope:--


            "Vendit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum:

                        Emerat ille prius, vendere jure potest."


"[translation] Alexander sells the keys, the altars, Christ.  He bought them first, and has good right to sell."  [3 [footnote]]'


'But the character of most of those pasquinades which belong to the pontificate of Leo is so coarse as to render them unfit for reproduction.  A general licentiousness pervaded Rome, and the vices of the Pope and the higher clergy, veiled, but not hidden, under the displays of sensual magnificence and the pretended refinements of degraded art, were readily imitated by a people taught to follow and obey the teachings of their ecclesiastical rulers.  Corruption of every sort was common.  Virtue and vice, profane and sacred things, were alike for sale.  The Pope made money by the sale of cardinalates and traffic in indulgences. 


"Give me gifts, ye spectators," begged Pasquin; "bring me not verses:  divine Money alone rules the ethereal gods."


            "Dona date, astantes; versus ne reddite:  sola

            Imperat aethereis alma Moneta deis."


Leo's fondness for buffoons, with whom he mercilessly amused himself by tormenting them and exciting them to make themselves ridiculous, is recorded in a question put to Pasquin on one of his changes of figure. 






"Why have you not asked, O Pasquil, to be made a buffoon?  for at Rome everything is now permitted to the buffoons."


            "Cur non te fingi scurram, Pasquille, rogasti?

            Cum Romae scurries omnia jam liceant."


Leo died in 1521.  His death was sudden, and not without suspicion of poison.  It was said that the last offices of the Church were not performed for the dying man, and an epigram sharply embodied the report. 


"Do you ask why at his last hour Leo could not take the sacred things?  He had sold them."


            "Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora

            Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  Vendiderat."


The spirit of Luther [1483 – 1546] had penetrated through the walls of Rome; and though all tongues but those of statues might be silenced, eyes were not blinded, nor could ears be made deaf. 


Nowhere was the need of reform so felt as at Rome, but nowhere was there so little hope for it; for the people stood in equal need of it with the Church, whose ministers had corrupted them, and whose rulers tyrannized over them.  


"Farewell, Rome!" said Pasquin.


            "Roma, vale!  Satis est vidisee.  Revertar

            Quum leno, meretrix, scurra, cinaedus ero."'


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from:  Pasquino e la Satira in Roma:  Pasquino nel Cinquecento, (Il Pontificato di Leone X [1513 – 1521]), Roma, Tipografia Agostiniana, 1936 (1932).



            'E insiste su questa triste fine del papa:


                        [Sannazaro] Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora

                        Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat (19).


            (Gli ultimi istanti per Leon venuti,

                        Egli non potè avere I sacramenti (20):

                        Perchè da tempo già li avea venduti!).'  [71].


            "(19) Questo velenoso epigramma, attribuito a Pasquino, fu dettato invece dal Sannazzaro [1458 – 1530], irritato per non aver potuto ottenere da Leone X l'annullamento del matrimonio di persona a lui molto cara:  Cassandra Marchese.


            (20) Altra fandonia.  Gli Oratori, sempre bene informati, riferivano:  « Sua Santità, cognoscendo el morire, adomandò l'oglio santo, et al giorno se era confessato ».  (Lettera da Roma 3 dic. 1521 di Bart. Angelelli in SANUTO, Diari, vol. 32, p. 242)."  [71].


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from:  Miscellanea della R. Deputazione romana, di Storia patria, Pasquino E Pasquinate Nella Roma Di Leone X, di G.A. Cesareo, con prefazione del senatore Vittorio Cian, Roma, nella Sede della Deputazione, alla Biblioteca Vallicelliana, 1938.



            "Già s'è veduto come, insieme con le satire anonime contro Sisto IV riferite dal Sanuto, una ve ne fosse d'autor noto, lo Squarciafico; i Pasquillorum riproducono molti epigrammi d'Angelo Poliziano, del Sannazaro [1458 1530], di Michele Marullo, di Gioviano Pontano, d'altri umanisti, contro Sisto IV, Innocenzo VIII, Alessandro VI, Lucrezia Borgia, i frati e la Curia (pp. 72-77)."  [22].



            'Con tali gusti e con tali abitundini, s'intende che papa Leone X non avesse mai danari che gli bastassero.  In questo son tutti concordi, cronisti, biografi, storici, poeti e Pasquino.  « Era tanto possibile che egli tenesse mai mille ducati insieme, quanto è possibile che una pietra vada in alto da sè », dice il Vettori (2).  Un oratore veneziano argutamente osserva che il metallo giallo dell' antiche porte del Panteon non era oro, se no « papa Leone non ve lo avria lasciato » (3).  Girolamo Garimberto rincara la dose:  « Et però non mancò chi dicesse che per meglio satiar le sue voglie, egli procacciasse danari da tutte le bande, e in tuitti i modi; onde il Sannazzaro tirato da questa pubblica voce nella sua morte, fece il seguente distico, cioè:


                        Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora

                                    Cur Leo non potuit sumere, vendiderat »,


e aggiunge il particolare curioso, che nel Cinquecento si soleva « chiamar papa Lione qualche persona grassa, et che si diletti di vivere bene, et elegantemente, come visse questo Principe » (1), un quissimile di Michelaccio.'  [80-81].


            [footnotes] "(2) L. c. p. 322.


            (3) ALBÈRI, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, Ser. II, vol. III, p. 109." 



            [footnote] "(1) La prima parte delle vite, 1 c. p. 507."  [81].















Cap. I.

La formazione di Mastro Pasquino







Cap. II.

Papa Leone X e Maestro Pasquino







Cap. III.

La congiura del Petrucci







Cap. IV.

II Cardinale Armellino e Madonna











Cap. V.

Gli altri cardinali







Cap. VI.








Cap. VII.

I due Archipoeti







Cap. VIII.

L'ultimo re di Cipro







Cap.  IX.

Buffoni parassiti cortigiani e











Cap. X.

I letterati







Cap. XI.

II Conclave







Cap. XII.

I Cortigiani















Pasquinate inedite sulla morte di Leone X







Indice dei nomi







"  ["369"].





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from (microform (reel)):  The Visions of Pasquin, or, a Character of the Roman Court, Religion and Practices; Together with an Account of The Arts of the Popes, Nephews to get Money, The Tricks of the Priests to fill the Churches Coffers by Masses for the Dead, The Policy of the Jesuites to Cully Princes, and Cheat Christendom.  As also An Exact Description of Purgatory and Hell.  In a Dialogue between Pasquin and Marforio, Translated out of Italian.  Ridentem dicere verum Qiis vetat?  Licensed, Feb. 9. 1689.  London, Printed, and are to be Sold by Richard Baldwin near the Black Bull in the Old-Bailey.  1689.



"The Preface."


"....For what inclinations can we have to believe that Pope Pius who being forbidden to eat Pork, lest it should throw him into his grave, made answer, that he would indulge his appetite al despito di Dio, in despite of God, and his Authority?  What incouragement have we to think him just, who throwing St. Peter's Keys into the Tyber, said, that St. Paul's Sword should conquer his adversaries?  Who can believe Alexander the 6th to have been true to his vow of chastity, who prostituted his own Daughter Lucretia? 


Or Leo the 10th to have had any regard to Religion, who boasted of the vast sums he had gotten, by the Fabula de Christo, the fabulous accounts, which the Gospel gives of our Holy Saviour, as he [lEO X]  blasphemously stiled the Sacred Scriptures?  


Who can believe the Inquisition to be the Tribunal of Christ, while their proceedings are a demonstration, that they are the Executioners of the Kingdom of Darkness?  ...." 


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from (online):  Pietro Aretino [1492 – 1556], Poison-Flower of the Renaissance, A Critical and Biographical Study by Samuel Putnam, "From The Works of Aretino, Translated into English from the original Italian, with a critical and biographical essay by Samuel Putnam, Illustrations by The Marquis de Bayros in Two Volumes; Pascal Covici:  Chicago; 1926; pp. 7–53." 



            'At any rate, it is certain that Pietro was in Chigi's [Agostino Chigi 1465? – 1520] employ.  As to just what place he held in the house of his rich patron, we are not sure.  Those who would play Pietro [Aretino] down assert he was a domestic.  Whatever his status, he met there many famous men of the day, including such artists and writers as Raphael, Iacopo Sansovino, Sebastiano del Piombo, Giulio Romano, Bembo, Castiglione, Paolo Giovio and others.  Leo X. had succeeded to the pontifical throne in 1514 [1513], and the "golden age" was on.  We know that Aretino made powerful friends at this time, among them Cardinal Giulio de' Medici, later to become Pope Clement VII.


            It was in Rome, under Leo, that Aretino first became acquainted with the vices of the Holy City, those vices which he lambasts with so keen a power of satire in La Cortigiana and his other comedies.  The Courtezan is a take-off on the prostitution of an age.




            Two misfortunes then befell Pietro.  One was the death of his patron, Chigi, the other the sudden death of Leo X.  In the confusion following the death of Leo and attendant upon the naming of his successor, Aretino found himself launched in his career of journalist.  He became a writer of Pasquinades, as the vitriolic articles, affixed to the recently excavated statue of Pasquin in the Piazza Navona, were called.  Pasquin, or Pasquino, had been, tradition had it, a fifteenth century schoolmaster with a bitter tongue, and the form of journalism named after him lived up to his reputation.  Aretino, becoming so well known as a journalist of this type that he even had a tavern named after him,26 strenuously opposed the election of the pious weakling, Adrian VI., and it was for this reason, probably, that he was forced to flee from Rome, in the year 1522.'


            'Aretino is not only the first modern realist; he is the first modern journalist.  The founder and "first great Adventurer of the Press" Edward Hutton,7 in his scholarly and lonesome English biography, calls him.  In his Pasquinades, his giudizii [judgements?] and his letters, as Hutton points out, Aretino really conducted what corresponds to a great modern newspaper, in






which scheme, his religious writings (the prose sacre) are the pompous, inflated editorials.  He is, in a sense, in his "yellow" proclivities, the forerunner of Mr. Hearst, Lord Northcliffe and others, while he is also the father of the awful tribe of modern press agents, who, when they wish to put on airs, become "publicists."  It is his boast that "throughout the world, Fame is sold by me."8  He had to have publicity; it was his living; and he certainly knew how to set about to get it.


            He is more than this, however.  He [Aretino] is also the first modern critic of the arts—of painting, as of literature.  In deed, he seems to have had, as will be shown later, even more feeling for painting than for literature.  His genius was essentially a plastic one, and there was a reason for his almost life-long intimacy with Titian.  Like Titian, he was a realist of the senses.  De Sanctis, in the role of moralizing professor, finds fault with him for not drawing any "moral impression or elevation of soul" from his contemplation of and love for nature.  The kick which Aretino got was a purely sensuous, purely aesthetic one; and in this, he is truly a modernist.' 


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from:  Pasquillorum Tomi duo.  Elevetheropoli  MDXLIIII [to emphasize:  1544].  German Books before 1601, Reel #57, item 1.  [11/12/2006:  3 copies for sale on the Internet:  $1250.00 - $1476.39].  [difficult to read; probably, several misspellings].


[bookplate] "Andrew Dickson White [President of Cornell University (see 357, 500)]" 



"De Alexandro VI. Pont.


max. Ac. San.  [SANNAZARO]


Bello, inimicitijs, furtis'q;, & caedibus haustam

            Italiam cernis Sexte, & obire potes?"  [80].



"Pasquillus de Leone X.


Pastor ut ambiguo Proteus dignoscitur ore,

            Et dubius liquidis saepe uagatur aquis:

Sic Leo nulla fides tibi, nec constantia rebus,

            Factàq; promissis sunt odiosa tuis.

Nec bona, nec mala sunt dubio credenda Leoni,

            Est etiam in uerum ut uix adhibenda fides.

Quum uentrem imprudens auidio natura leoni

            Fecisset, rimas praebuit huic geminas.

Non excrementis fuerat satis unà, sed harum

            Altera nunc clausa, nec minus illa uorat.

Gaude Roma, breui hac solueris peste, fathiscet

            Aluus, tam magni ponderis impatiens.

Differat à decimo quàm Iulius ipse Leone,

            Discere ab amborum nominee Roma potest.

Iulius est hominis, bruti leo:  Iulius egit,

            Qua suasit ratio:  quod libet, iste facit."  [92-93].






"In Leonem X. Ac. San.  [sANNAZARO]


Sumere maternis titulos cum posset ab Vrsis

            Caeculus hic noster, maluit esse Leo.

Quid tibi cum magno commune est talpa leone?

            Non cadit inturpes nobilis ira feras.

Ipse licet cupias animos simulare leonis:

            Non Lupus hoc gennor, non sinit Vrsa parēs.

Ergo aliud tibi prorsus habendum est Caecule no

            Nam cuncta ut possis, no potes esse Leo. (men.



In cundem. 


[commonly, this epigram is attributed to Sannazaro (epigram III 8)]


Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora

            Cur Leo non potuit sumere:  vendiderat.



                                    In Romam, Bap. Mant.


Si quid Roma dabit, nugas dabit, accipit aurum,

Verba dat. Heu, Roma nunc sola pecunia regnat."  [94].


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from:  Curiosities of Literature.  By Isaac Disraeli [1766 – 1848].  A New Edition, edited, with Memoir and Notes, by his son, The Right Hon. B. [Benjamin] Disraeli [1804 – 1881], M.P.  In Three Volumes.  Vol. I.  London:  Routledge, Warne, and Routledge, Farringdon Street.  New York:  56, Walker Street.  1863 (1791).  [See:  online].





            'It was as late as 1817 that I [Isaac Disraeli] sent forth the third volume; without a word of preface.  I had no longer anxieties to conceal or promises to perform.  The subjects chosen were novel, and investigated with more original composition.  The motto prefixed to this third volume from the Marquis of Halifax is lost in the republications, but expresses the peculiar delight of all literary researches for those who love them:  "The struggling for knowledge hath a pleasure in it like that of wrestling with a fine woman."' 






All the world have heard of these statues:  they have served as vehicles for the keenest satire in a land of the most uncontrolled despotism.  The statue of Pasquin (from whence the word pasquinade) and that of Marforio are placed in Rome in two different quarters.  Marforio is an ancient statue of Mars, found in the Forum, which the people have corrupted into Marforio.  Pasquin is a marble statue, greatly mutilated, supposed to be the figure of a gladiator.* [see footnote, 268]  To one or other of these statues, during the concealment of the night, are affixed those satires or lampoons which the authors wish should be dispersed about Rome without any danger to themselves.  When Marforio is attacked, Pasquin comes to his succour; and when Pasquin is the sufferer, he finds in Marforio a constant defender.  Thus, by a thrust and a parry, the most serious matters are disclosed:  and the most illustrious personages are attacked by their enemies, and defended by their friends.


            Mission, in his Travels in Italy, gives the following account of the origin of the name of the statue of Pasquin:—


            A satirical tailor, who lived at Rome, and whose name was Pasquin, amused himself by severe raillery, liberally bestowed on those who passed by his shop; which in time became the lounge of the newsmongers.  The tailor had precisely the talents to head a regiment of satirical wits; and had he had time to publish, he would have been the Peter Pindar of his day; but his genius seems






to have been satisfied to rest cross-legged on his shopboard.  When any lampoons or amusing bon-mots were current at Rome, they were usually called, from his shop, pasquinades.  After his death, this statue of an ancient gladiator was found under the pavement of his shop.  It was soon set up, and by universal consent was inscribed with his name; and they still attempt to raise him from the dead, and keep the caustic tailor alive, in the marble gladiator of wit.


            There is a very rare work, with this title:—"Pasquillorum Tomi Duo [see 263-264];" the first containing the verse, and the second the prose pasquinades, published at Basle, 1544.  The rarity of this collection of satirical pieces is entirely owing to the arts of suppression practiced by the papal government.  Sallengre, in his literary Memoirs, has given an account of this work; his own copy had formerly belonged to Daniel Heinsius, who, in verses written in his hand, describes its rarity and the price it too[sic] cost:—


Roma meos fraters igni dedit, unica Phoenix

Vivo, aureisque venio centum Heinsie.


            "Rome gave my brothers to the flames, but I survive a solitary Phoenix.  Heinsius bought me for a hundred golden ducats."



            This collection contains a great number of pieces composed at different times, against the popes, cardinals, &c.  They are not, indeed, materials for the historian, and they must be taken with grains of allowance.  We find sarcastic epigrams on Leo X., and the infamous Lucretia, daughter of Alexander VI.:  even the corrupt Romans of the day were capable of expressing themselves with the utmost freedom.  Of Alexander VI. we have an apology for his conduct:


Vendit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum;

            Emerat ille prius, vendere jure potest.


                        "Alexander sells the keys, the altars, and Christ;

                        As he bought them first, he had a right to sell them!"



            On Lucretia:


Hoc tumulo dormit Lucretia nominee, sed re

Thais; Alexandri filia, sponsa, nurus!






            "Beneath this stone sleeps Lucretia by name, but by nature Thais; the daughter, the wife, and the daughter-in-law of Alexander!"



            Leo X. was a frequent butt for the arrows of Pasquin:—


Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis, horâ

Cur Leo non potuit sumere; vendiderat.


            "Do you ask why Leo did not take the sacrament on his death-bed?—How could he?  He had sold it!"



            Many of these satirical touches depend on puns.  Urban VII., one of the Barberini family, pillaged the Pantheon of brass to make cannon,* [see footnote, 268] on which occasion Pasquin was made to say:—


Quod non fecerunt Barbari Romae, fecit Barberini.



            On Clement VII., whose death was said to be occasioned by the prescriptions of his physician:—


Curtius occidit Clementem; Curtius auro

Donandus, per quem publica parta salus.


            "Dr. Curtis has killed the pope by his remedies; he ought to be remunerated as a man who has cured the state."



            The following, on Paul III., are singular conceptions:—


Papa Medusaeum caput est, coma turba Nepotum;

Perseu caede caput, Caesaries periit.


            "The pope is head of the Medusa; the horrid tresses are his nephews; Perseus, cut off the head, and then we shall be rid of these serpent-locks."



            Another is sarcastic—


Ut canerent data multa olim sunt Vatibus aera:

Ut taceam, quantum tu mihi, Paule, dabis?






            "Heretofore money was given to poets that they might sing:  how much will you give me, Paul, to be silent?"


            This collection [Pasquillorum Tomi duo] contains, among other classes, passages from the Scriptures which have been applied to the court of Rome; to different nations and persons; and one of "Sortes Virgilianae per Pasquillum collectae,"—passages from Virgil frequently happily applied; and those who are curious in the history of those times will find this portion interesting.  The work itself is not quite so rare as Daniel Heinsius imagined; the price might now reach from five to ten guineas.*  [see footnote, below]


            These satirical statues are placed at opposite ends of the town, so that there is always sufficient time to make Marforio reply to the gibes and jeers of Pasquin in walking from one to the other.  They are an ingenious substitute for publishing to the world, what no Roman newspaper would dare to print.'  [208-211].


            [footnote (from 265)] "*The description of these two famous statues is not correctly given in the text.  The statue called Marforio is the figure of a recumbent river god of colossal proportions, found near the arch of Septimius Severus.  When the museum of the capital was completed, the Pope moved the figure into the courtyard; there it is still to be seen.  He also wished to move that of Pasquin, but the Duke de Braschi refused to allow it; and it still stands on its pedestal, at the angle of the Braschi Palace, in the small square that takes the name of Piazza del Pasquino from that circumstance.  It is much mutilated, but is the ruin of a very fine work; Bernini expressed great admiration for it.  It is considered by Count Maffei to represent Ajax supporting Menelaus.  The torso of the latter figure only is left, the arms of the former are broken away; but enough remains of both to conjecture what the original might have been in design.  The pose of both figures is similar to the fine group known as Ajax and Telamon, in the Loggia of the Pitti Palace at Florence[.]"  [208].


            [footnote (from 267)] "*The cannon were to supply the castle of St. Angelo, but a large portion of the metal (which formerly covered the roof of the  temple) was used to construct the canopy and pillars which still stand over the tomb of St. Peter, in the great cathedral at Rome."  [210].


            [footnote (see above)] '*This vehicle for satire was introduced early into England; thus, in 1589, was published "The return of the renowned Cavaliero Pasquill to England from the other side of the seas, and his meeting with Marforio at London, upon the Royall Exchange."'  [211].


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Note:  this page, and the following 5 pages, are related to the history of "pasquinade"; and, variations on Cicero, and Augustine, by different sources.



from:  Cicero [106 – 43 B.C.E.], De Re Publica, De Legibus, with an English translation by Clinton Walker Keyes, Columbia University.  Harvard, Heinemann, MCMLI (1928).



"THE REPUBLIC ["On the Commonwealth"]" IV. x.  [241]


[Cicero, quoting Scipio Africanus Major (235 – 183 B.C.E.)]


"On the other hand,


our Twelve Tables [Law of the Twelve Tables (Roman, c. 450 B.C.E.)],2 though they provided the death  penalty for only a few crimes, did provide it for any person who sang or composed a song which contained a slander or insult to anyone else. 


This was an excellent rule; for our mode of life ought to be liable to judgment by the magistrates and the courts of law, but not by clever poets; nor ought we to be subject to disgrace unless we have an opportunity to answer and defend ourselves in a court of law....The early Romans did not desire that any living man should either be praised or blamed on the stage...."  [241].


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from:  Church Fathers:  City of God, Book II (St. Augustine [354 – 430]):



"The City of God (Book II)"







[Augustine] 'And then a little after he [Cicero (106 – 43 B.C.E.), quoting Scipio Africanus Major (235 – 183 B.C.E.)] goes on: 


"Though our Twelve Tables attached the penalty of death only to a very few offences, yet among these few this was one:  if any man should have sung a pasquinade, or have composed a satire calculated to bring infamy or disgrace on another person.


Wisely decreed.  For it is by the decisions of magistrates, and by a well-informed justice, that our lives ought to be judged, and not by the flighty fancies of poets; neither ought we to be exposed to hear calumnies, save where we have the liberty of replying, and defending ourselves before an adequate tribunal."  This much I have judged it advisable to quote from the fourth book of Cicero's De Republica; and I have made the quotation word for word, with the exception of some words omitted, and some slightly transposed, for the sake of giving the sense more readily....' 


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from:  Saint Augustine, The City of God Against the Pagans, with an English translation by George E. McCracken, Professor of Classics, Drake University, Harvard, Heinemann, MCMLXXXI (1957).



"BOOK II. ix"  [171]



            [Augustine] 'After a bit he [Cicero, quoting Scipio Africanus] continues:  "Though our Twelve Tables had prescribed the death penalty for very few crimes, among those so punished was


the crime of anyone who brought ill repute or disgrace on another by chanting or composing verses aimed at him.1


An admirable provision that.  For the life we lead should be a matter for the decisions of magistrates and the judgements of courts, not for the exercise of poetic gifts; nor should anyone be exposed to vilification without the right to reply and to make defence in court."2'  [171, 173].



            [Latin, for the above] 'Dein paulo post:  "Nostrae," inquit, "contra duodecim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive Carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri.  Praeclare.  Iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis habere debemus, nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere."'  [170, 172].


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from:  Saint Augustine [354 – 430], The City of God,  Book I-VII, translated by Demetrius B. Zema, S.J. [Society of Jesus] and Gerald G. Walsh, S.J., with an   introduction by Etienne Gilson, The Catholic University of America Press, 1977 (c1950).





"Chapter 9"  [85]




"A little further on he [Cicero, quoting Scipio Africanus] continues: 


'On the contrary,


among the very few offenses for which capital punishment was imposed, our Twelve Tables9 included that of publishing libelous and defamatory verse. 


That is admirable.  For, our lives should not be subject to poets' irresponsible wit, but to the judges of magistrates and to the orderly processes of law; and we should come to hear no accusation except on the condition that the accused is given the opportunity to reply and defend himself in court.'"  [87].


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from:  Concerning The City of God against the Pagans, translation by Henry Bettenson, with an Introduction by David Knowles, Augustine [354 – 430], Penguin, 1972 (first published 1467) ("written:  "413 – 426/427").



"Book II, Chapter 9"  [57]


             'What the ancient Romans felt about the need to restrain poetic

licence.  The Greeks imposed no restriction


[Augustine] We know what was the opinion of the older Romans on this point from the evidence of Cicero [106 – 43 B.C.E.] in his work On the Commonwealth ["The Republic" (De Re Publica)], where Scipio [Scipio Africanus Major, 235 – 183 B.C.E.] argues that 'were it not for the licence of established custom, comedies would never have been able to display their depravities in the theatres'.20  The Greeks of an earlier age certainly maintained a consistency in their reprehensible attitude, for among them the comic writer was granted the legal privilege of saying whatever he liked about whomsoever he pleased, mentioning his victim by name.  And so, as Africanus says in the same work,


            Was anyone immune from the attacks, the persecutions of comedy?  Was anyone spared?  Oh, I agree; the irresponsible demagogues were lashed; people like Cleon, Cleophon, and Hyperbolus,21 unpatriotic troublemakers.  Yes, that would be tolerable; although it would be better for such citizens to be reprimanded by a censor, not by a poet.  But that Pericles should be abused in lines uttered on the stage, when he had led his country with supreme authority for so many years, both in war and peace; that was as inappropriate as it would have been for our own Platus or Naevius to have chosen to malign Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, or Caecilius to libel Marcus Cato.22


Then a little later,


            Our Twelve Tables,23 in contrast, though there were very few cases in which they imposed the death-penalty, decided to include among those few


the crime of writing or publishing verses derogatory to anyone's reputation, or defamatory of his moral character. 






A very sound provision, for we should submit our lives to the judgment of magistrates and to investigation according to the laws, and not expose them to the poet's native wit.  And we should not listen to attacks on individuals except on condition that they have the right to reply and judicial defence.


            I [Augustine] have thought it best to quote these extracts from the fourth book of Cicero's On the Commonwealth,24 word for word (save for certain omissions and transpositions, made to assist comprehension), for they are very relevant to the point which I shall do my utmost to establish.  After some further discussion, Cicero concludes this topic by demonstrating that the ancient Romans refused to allow any living man to be either praised or maligned on the stage. 


Whereas, as I have said, the Greeks were more consistent, if less decent, in the licence they permitted.  In their opinion their gods allowed and enjoyed the lampooning on the public stage not only of men but of gods themselves, whether the depravities related and acted in the theatres were the inventions of poets or genuine facts.  (If only the worshippers had found them only good enough for a laugh, and not also worthy of imitation!) 


For it would, they [Greeks] thought, have been too presumptuous to show tenderness for the reputation of statesmen and citizens when the divine powers demanded no such consideration.'  [56-58].


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